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Neither have numerous other physiological effects of cannabis been reviewed here

Although the author practices in Colorado, the information is likely generalizable. This review clearly reflects the author’s biases, yet its composition was motivated by alarming experience in everyday practice. Discussions of cannabis’ effects are relevant not only to the healthcare system, but to legal, business, environmental, legislative, and other branches within a public health framework. This article does not address those other facets.Many of the previous research studies have focused on cannabis with a much lower THC level limiting applicability to cannabis sold at dispensaries today. Finally, the words “marijuana” and “cannabis” were used interchangeably throughout the article. This was done to maintain the wording from the studies cited consistent with their original language. No difference should be implied with the alternating use of these terms. While the harmful health effects of secondhand tobacco smoke exposure and the benefits of smoke free policies are well known1, there is little known about the pollutants that arise from cannabis use. Cannabis smoke is chemically similar to tobacco smoke2, 3 and PM2.5 exposure is a known cause of cardiopulmonary and metabolic disease4, 5. However, some communities allow cannabis smoking as an exception to existing smoke free laws and many more communities are considering similar legislation. To assess the air pollution associated with cannabis use, we measured airborne PM2.5, cannabinoid and nicotine concentrations in a cannabis store in California that permitted smoking, vaporizing, and dabbing in an on-site consumption area 6. We chose a dispensary that was noisy enough to mask the sound of our air sampling instruments. Nine visits were made; four in 2018 and five in 2019. All experiments were conducted between 15:00 – 19:00 . Airborne particles 2.5 µm in diameter and smaller were measured in the marijuana grow system consumption lounge using laser photometers. PM2.5 samples were collected on filters to quantify nicotine and cannabinoids.

Background samples were collected within 100 meters of the dispensary; either outdoors, in a pedestrian plaza, or indoors, in a coffee shop. The instruments were carried in backpacks and the experiments were conducted without permission from the businesses. The dispensary enforced a 30-minute limit in the lounge during most of our visits. When possible, the backpacks were relayed between researchers to collect multiple readings in a single experiment. The instruments were turned off each time one researcher left the lounge and turned back on after the next researcher entered the lounge. Experiment durations ranged from 32 to 152 minutes.PM2.5 concentrations were measured in real time using laser photometers operated according to the manufacturer’s instructions . The instruments were turned off prior to entering the dispensary, because bags were checked at the door. Photometers were paired with air pumps in each backpack, to collect samples on filters to measure cannabinoids and nicotine. After entering the smoking lounge, the researchers chose a seat that was not near the entrance or the emergency exit. The instruments were then turned on and the backpacks were placed on the tables with the sampling inlets located at the shoulder level of seated patrons. The instruments were switched off before the researchers left the lounge. For more details on the air pumps, filters, filter cassettes and flow calibrations, please refer to the Supplementary Materials. We used impactors and cyclones to exclude particles over 2.5 μm in diameter from all samples and measurements. Cannabinoid content of the particulate material on the front filters was quantified at the Organic Analytical Laboratory of the Desert Research Institute , as described in the Supplementary Materials. The limits of detection were 1.85, 0.67, and 1.90 ng per filter for THC, CBD, and CBN, respectively. The limits of quantitation per sample varied, depending on the volume of air sampled: 0. 995 – 11.6 ng/m3 for THC, 0.36-4.2 ng/m3 for CBD and 1.0 – 12 ng/m3 for CBN. Nicotine was quantified by gas chromatography as described previously 7, modified by using a capillary column and using 5-methylnicotine as the internal standard. The LOQ ranged from 16 ng/m3 to 29 ng/m3. Cannabis consumption behavior was recorded to identify and count emitting sources. Researchers also observed and counted the occupants in the lounge. On separate counts, the perceived gender , and role of the people in the lounge were tallied. People were counted as employees only if they were wearing dispensary ID and clearly working. Employees on break were counted as customers. Researchers and employees were included in the occupancy counts.

Data from routine cigarette smoke generation experiments8 were used to derive calibration factors for the photometers. Gravimetric samples were collected and weighed before and after each cigarette smoke experiment. We plotted the unadjusted average photometer data against the gravimetric data and forced the line through zero. The slope was the calibration factor. The field photometric data were multiplied by the calibration factors to yield the final particle concentration values. Over nine visits and 10 hours of measurements, the average PM2.5 concentration in the dispensary smoking lounge was 840 µg/m3, with a standard deviation of 674 µg/m3 . During the four visits conducted before the new ventilation system was installed, the average PM2.5 was 905 µg/m3, with a standard deviation of 728 µg/m3. During the five visits conducted after the ventilation system was installed, the average PM2.5 concentration was 795 µg/m3, with a standard deviation of 636 µg/m3. To determine whether the PM2.5 concentration was significantly lower after the installation of the new ventilation system, we performed an overall test for coincidence of two regression lines. The p value was 0.16, indicating that the 12.2 % decrease in PM2.5 concentration was not statistically significant. The number of cannabis articles that were actively emitting smoke or other aerosols was counted at least twice per visit, except during the second relay on 3/8/2019 when source counts were not recorded. To assess the relationship between PM2.5 concentration and average number of sources per count, we performed a regression. The R2 was 0.100, with a p-value of 0.219, indicating that there was not a statistically significant relationship between PM2.5 concentrations and the average number of cannabis articles emitting aerosols . The relationship between PM2.5 concentrations and the number of occupants was also tested and found not significant . The occupant-normalized PM2.5 concentration ranged from 18-52 µg/m3 * persons.In descending order of prevalence, the following cannabis products and modes of use were observed at the dispensary: cannabis in rolling paper , cannabis in water pipes , cannabis concentrates consumed by dabbing, cannabis in hand pipes, cannabis vape pens and blunts. Overall, 91% of the cannabis consumed in the lounge was smoked, 5% was consumed by dabbing and 4% was consumed by using a vape pen. 71% of patrons smoked joints . We did not observe any tobacco use. At any given time, approximately 43% of all people within the lounge were actively using a cannabis product. The patrons were 69% male and 31% female . Employees were observed working in the lounge at every visit ; supervising, loaning out equipment, emptying ash trays, cleaning the tables and interacting with customers. The PM2.5 concentrations we observed are similar to the highest published concentrations measured in public places where people were smoking tobacco 9.

Because the nicotine concentrations in the dispensary were below 0.10 µg/m3, the cannabinoid concentrations were high and the background particle concentrations outdoors and in a nearby business were low, we believe that nearly all the PM2.5 measured in the dispensary derived from cannabis consumption. Our prior study of a lounge in a dispensary where only non-combustible methods of consumption were permitted, found median PM2.5 concentrations during peak business hours almost 10- fold lower than the medians observed in this dispensary 10. The average concentrations in this study are similar to the maximum PM2.5 concentrations that Ott et al. observed after smoking a single joint in a small, unventilated bedroom11. Unlike tobacco cigarettes, cannabis vertical farming does not come in a single, standardized portion, and people do not always consume the same amount per session. This variation may explain why we did not find a correlation between PM2.5 concentrations and the average number of aerosol-emitting sources or the number of occupants. Our finding that the installation of a new ventilation system did not cause a large or statistically significant decrease in PM2.5 concentrations suggests that it was not effective in reducing pollutant concentrations. Prior research has shown that ventilation alone is not sufficient to control PM2.5 from tobacco cigarettes 12. The psychoactive effects of THC are typically felt at a dose of 2-10 mg for an adult of average size and tolerance. This means that psychoactive effects were unlikely at the concentrations in the dispensary. These findings agree with Herrmann et al. who found subjective psychoactive effects in nonsmokers after one hour of secondhand exposure in a sealed and unventilated 12 m3 chamber during which 14.4 grams of cannabis with 11% THC were smoked, but not after exposure to a similar amount of cannabis smoke when the chamber was ventilated14. Cannabinol is an oxidation product of THC that can form during combustion or storage15, so CBN concentrations one tenth those of THC are plausible. The low concentrations of CBD suggest that THC-dominant products were in use. Average nicotine concentrations in businesses with active smoking indoors range from 0.6 to 76 µg/m39. The fact that nicotine samples from the dispensary were all below the limits of quantitation validates our observation that no one was smoking tobacco in the dispensary. Because the concentrations of PM2.5 were so high, it is likely that the employees of this dispensary were at risk of health effects from secondhand cannabis smoke exposure. Although cannabis has a number of scientifically-validated and positive medicinal effects16, cannabis smoke contains carcinogens and PM2.52, 3. If an employee was exposed for two hours at 840 µg/m3 and for 22 hours at 4 µg/m3, their 24-hour average exposure would be 72 µg/m3. The US Environmental Protection Agency air quality index for this amount of air pollution is “Unhealthy”17 and the anticipated health effects are “Increased aggravation of heart or lung disease and premature mortality in persons with cardiopulmonary disease and the elderly; increased respiratory effects in general population.”

Research on bar workers, comparing their respiratory health before and after tobacco smoking bans, found that bans improved respiratory symptoms18, 19 and lung function19 in both smokers and nonsmokers. This suggests that dispensary employees may incur health risks from their exposure to secondhand cannabis smoke at work, even if they are smokers of cannabis. It is also possible that the secondhand exposure may increase nasal congestion and diminish cardiovascular function in the dispensary customers. Research from our laboratory has shown that a 30-minute exposure to secondhand cigarette smoke, at 1,000 µg/m3 PM2.5, can increase nasal congestion in healthy, young nonsmokers20. Endothelial dysfunction, the loss of the ability of the cells lining the arteries to respond to normal increases in blood flow by dilating, is a risk factor for myocardial infarction21. Multiple studies have shown that short exposures to secondhand tobacco smoke at concentrations well below those seen in this dispensary cause endothelial dysfunction in healthy, young nonsmokers 22-24 and in healthy young smokers25, 26. One study has shown that exposures to cannabis smoke cause endothelial dysfunction in animals 27.We studied a business that was well-patronized and the PM2.5 and cannabinoid concentrations we measured may be higher than the concentrations in other dispensaries that allow smoking. We performed these experiments during peak business hours. Four of the experiments were conducted on Fridays, three on Thursdays, one on a Wednesday and one on a Tuesday. At other times of day or days of the week, there may have been less activity and lower concentrations of PM2.5. However, our experiments were conducted over 11 months, were not scheduled to coincide with special events and showed consistently high PM2.5 concentrations at all visits , so we believe our findings represent conditions at this business accurately. The Sidepak laser photometer calibration factor of 0.28-0.32 for secondhand cigarette smoke is well established 28-30. The calibration factors we derived are slightly lower and may reflect individual variations in our instruments. After we did this research, Zhao et al. published Sidepak calibration factors of 0.39 for joints, 0.40 for cannabis smoked in a bong and 0.31 for cannabis smoked in a small, glass pipe.

Executive functioning plays a role in the development and maintenance of substance use disorders

One of the first research groups to look at cannabinoid exposure found poorer performance on cognitive tasks, such as maze learning, in immature rats compared to mature rats treated with THC. Schneider and Koch have reported alterations in pubertal rats treated with the receptor agonist WIN, discrepancies in performance range from sensorimotor functioning, object recognition memory, and social behavior. A more recent study by Schneider and colleagues found that chronic WIN treated pubertal rats demonstrated object/social recognition deficits, which the authors suggest is consistent with impairment in short-term information processing. Particularly, immature animals demonstrated more pronounced behavioral alterations as compared to mature animals after acute exposure to WIN, and more lasting deficits in social play and grooming behaviors. Deficits in object recognition have also been reported in male and female pubertal rats treated with a cannabinoid receptor agonist as well as THC, and there is some support that findings are consistent across age groups. Spatial functioning in adolescent rats has also shown affected by acute THC treatment. In a recent investigation by Abush and colleagues , chronic WIN treatment was found to result in both acute and longer term effects not only in spatial memory and object recognition, but interestingly, long term potentiation in areas such as nucleus accumbens pathways. Studies are actively evaluating emotional functioning and neurochemical transmission in adolescent animals after exposure to cannabinoid agonists, as well as how cannabinoids moderate state-dependent learning based on brain regions. While this is not an exhaustive review of the preclinical findings, in general, the data suggest differential and often negative impact on adolescent animals compared to adult animals exposed to THC or other cannabinoid agonists in behavioral, emotional, and social outcomes.

The animal work is particularly important to highlight, given the consistency in many adolescent neurocognitive and neuroimaging studies conducted with human subjects reporting regular use of marijuana,plant bench indoor as the findings often point to the deleterious effects on brain functioning compared to non-using controls. When California voters approved Proposition 64 in 2016, legalizing recreational cannabis for adults, they fundamentally altered the state’s cannabis landscape. They also, albeit unintentionally, furnished UC researchers with intriguing new avenues of potential inquiry — many of which are blocked by federal law and pursuant UC policy. For example, researchers interested in the cannabis-derived sprays and beverages readily available at California’s retail cannabis establishments cannot obtain those products for research purposes by any permissible means. Licensed cannabis businesses dot the state today, but cannabis research still operates within the same strict constraints that have hindered it since legalization was a futile sentiment on a bumper sticker. Because state law is subordinate to federal law, Proposition 64 is subordinate to the 1970 Controlled Substances Act. Associated with that act is a “scheduling” apparatus, overseen by the Drug Enforcement Administration , that identifies cannabis as ripe for abuse and devoid of medical merit. Thus, along with heroin and other Schedule I substances, the psychoactive variety of cannabis cannot under federal law be cultivated, processed, sold, consumed — or, for the most part, researched. The University of California, as a law-abiding institution, complies with the Controlled Substances Act and its nearly total cannabis prohibition. As an institution that receives federal funding, UC complies with the Drug-Free Workplace Act and the Safe and Drug Free Schools and Communities Act — which require universities, if they wish to receive federal funding, to implement policies prohibiting on-campus activities such as possession or use of controlled substances.

UC personnel, including staff, faculty and UC Cooperative Extension specialists and advisors, are therefore prohibited, in their professional capacities, from direct contact with the cannabis plant or its extracts, and also from certain types of indirect contact. They cannot, for example, visit cannabis cultivation sites or advise cannabis growers on topics such as yield increases. Researchers can’t even use cannabis or cannabis-derived products in medical studies — unless they fulfill a rather daunting set of federal requirements. Those requirements for medical studies include obtaining a Schedule I license from the DEA; submitting research protocols for Food and Drug Administration approval; submitting to the FDA an investigational new drug application ; and, as a non-federal matter, gaining the approval of a state entity, the Research Advisory Panel of California . If all goes well, researchers can then obtain cannabis or cannabis-derived substances from a DEA-licensed cultivator, a DEA registered bulk manufacturer or, with a DEA import license, a foreign exporter. The only DEA-licensed cannabis cultivator is the University of Mississippi, which grows the plant under a contract funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse . Bulk manufacturers of cannabis products such as tetrahydrocannabinol — the psychoactive component in cannabis — include, for example, the Massachusetts based life science company MilliporeSigma . Providers of imported cannabis products — such as Tilray, a Canadian firm — must be based in jurisdictions where such products are legal. No matter which path researchers choose, the process isn’t fast or easy. “You need a patient, dedicated team willing to jump through extra hoops at the institutional, state and federal levels,” says Jeffrey Chen, Executive Director of UCLA’s Cannabis Research Initiative. Even so, Chen reports, federal restrictions on types and sources of cannabis products can prevent researchers from conducting cannabis studies at all. And again, only medical researchers are eligible to obtain cannabis for research. Those who wish to perform agronomic studies, for example, are simply out of luck. For all that, opportunities to research cannabis are not scarce around the UC system. Observational studies of cannabis users are permissible, though the cannabis in question cannot be provided by the university and must be consumed off campus. Researchers interested in the legal or economic dimensions of cannabis, or in cannabis policy, will discover few obstacles in the Controlled Substances Act. Several UC researchers are vigorously investigating the environmental consequences of cannabis cultivation — and in fact Proposition 64 has effectively expanded the scope for such research. According to Ted Grantham, a UCCE specialist at UC Berkeley and co-director of the UCB Cannabis Research Center, researchers can now interact with cannabis growers — to learn, for example, about their cultivation practices — in a way that grower reluctance previously precluded. Today, Grantham reports, “a subset of growers is very interested in day lighting the cannabis industry to establish its legitimacy as an agricultural crop rather than an illicit substance.” In years to come, UC investigators will likely perform extensive research on industrial hemp.

This form of cannabis, which contains extremely small amounts of THC, is useless for producing a “high” — but very useful for making fabrics, insulation, paper and more. Until recently, however, federal law did not distinguish between low-THC hemp and high-THC cannabis — nor between THC and cannabidiol , a nonpsychoactive cannabis compound purported to relieve medical conditions ranging from arthritis to anxiety. The legal landscape for hemp and CBD began to change on the federal level in 2014, when that year’s Farm Bill allowed universities to cultivate industrial hemp for research purposes . In June of last year, the FDA approved a CBD-based medicine for treatment of epilepsy-related seizures. With last December’s passage of the 2018 Farm Bill, industrial hemp became a legal crop — pending establishment of a regulatory framework to govern it. Hemp-derived CBD now appears on course for complete de-scheduling by the DEA, and the FDA is wrestling with how to regulate the CBD-based consumer products already hitting the market in many states. Amid this liberalization of federal law on hemp and CBD, it becomes easy to envision UC academics and UCCE personnel performing agronomic studies with hemp — and providing California hemp growers with the same sort of research-based knowledge that has long been available to cultivators of almonds, grapes and lettuce.EF includes processes such as planning, organization, decision-making, set shifting and maintenance, working memory, and the like . Individuals with poor EF have difficulty engaging in future goal oriented behavior and incorporating experience to modify behavior. A defining characteristic of SUD is intense desire to use substance regardless of short and long term consequences. Significant substance use can dramatically affect how an individual handles the reinforcing properties of substances as well as influence control mechanisms and quality of responses to decisions . It is not surprising both that regular substance use is associated with deficits in EF and etiological models include cognitive dysfunction as a risk factor for developing SUD . A population with inherent EF difficulties includes individuals with attention-deficit/ hyperactivity disorder . Patients with ADHD have particular deficits in the domains of attention and response inhibition , working memory , risky decision-making , and planning and shifting . Not surprisingly, childhood ADHD is associated with increased risk of later substance use, abuse, or dependence in adolescence and adulthood . In addition, individuals with SUD frequently have comorbid ADHD . It is not clear whether individuals with ADHD are at risk for more adverse cognitive consequences of substance use than individuals without ADHD. The minimal research on this topic is mixed. Some studies do not find a relationship between substance use and EF in individuals with ADHD.Others suggest substance use uniquely predicts EF deficits even after controlling for Diagnostic and Statistical Manual disorders, including ADHD . In the current study,greenhouse rolling racks we evaluated EF performance for young adults with and without ADHD histories crossed with cannabis use.

We aimed to ascertain whether any aspects of EF deficits are specific to ADHD or to cannabis use, and whether co-occurring ADHD and cannabis use have an additive effect on EF deficits. Our focus on cannabis is relevant because it is the most commonly used illicit drug in individuals with ADHD and cannabinoids significantly impact on EF . We anticipated individuals with a history of ADHD would perform more poorly than demographically similar age-mates without ADHD histories on response inhibition, decision-making, working memory, verbal memory including acquisition, recall, and recognition, and processing speed. The cognitive functioning literature is mixed for cannabis use, but we predicted that cannabis users would perform more poorly than non-users on decision-making , verbal memory , and cognitive interference . Although no studies to our knowledge have specifically examined the interaction of ADHD and cannabis use, we anticipated the most severe cognitive deficits for cannabis users with ADHD. It is also possible that early onset of cannabis use may disrupt healthy neuro development, which is of concern in cases of ADHD given reports of developmental lags in brain maturation among individuals with this disorder . Adolescence is a dynamic time when brain regions associated with EF undergo gray matter synaptic pruning which continues into the mid-20s . Maturation of white matter tracts, yielding more efficient neural conductivity, also continues into the early-30s . During adolescence, the limbic system develops earlier than the prefrontal cortex ; development of top-down control of the limbic system is therefore a gradual process . Adolescence may be a sensitive period associated with increased neurocognitive deficits resulting from substance use. Indeed, research has shown an association between initiation of cannabis use prior to the age of 16 and enduring deficits on attention and short-term memory even after 28 days of monitored abstinence . Therefore, we also conducted exploratory analyses investigating whether regular cannabis use prior to age 16 was a stronger predictor of EF deficits than contemporaneous use. We anticipated that cannabis users who engaged earlier in cannabis use would demonstrate poorer EF performance. Participants were recruited from the longitudinal follow-up of the Multi-modal Treatment Study of ADHD to participate in the current study. Recruitment took place at either the 14- or 16-year follow-up assessments . Original MTA participants included 579 children aged 7.0 to 9.9 years diagnosed in childhood with ADHD Combined Type. The MTA procedures for diagnosis, treatment specifics, and sample demographics have been described elsewhere . A local normative comparison group was recruited 24 months after baseline assessment to reflect the local populations from which the ADHD sample was drawn. ADHD and LNCG participants have been followed longitudinally with visits at 36-months, and 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, and 16 years after baseline assessment of the ADHD group. Participants in the current study included 87 ADHD and 41 LNCG based on their self-report of cannabis in the past year.

The economic influence of cannabis can be seen throughout the county

The clear majority of respondents did not think cannabis growers manage timberlands sustainably and a similar percentage felt the same about ranchlands. Eighty-five percent of respondents regarded cannabis growing as negatively affecting wildlife and 87% regarded it as negatively affecting stream flow . Eighty-four percent thought cannabis growing leads to soil erosion and 70% thought it increases fire hazard. Seventy-eight percent believed that cannabis production in ranchlands and timberlands leads to habitat fragmentation and the same percentage suggested that the economic value of cannabis incentivizes the subdivision of large parcels. Fifty percent of landowners felt that their property value had increased due to cannabis production while 40% were neutral on that question. Eighty-three percent of respondents thought that Humboldt County was a safer place before cannabis and 76% of respondents perceived new cannabis growers as less responsible than cannabis growers who have been in the county for years. About half of respondents believed that increased cannabis legalization will be good for Humboldt County. Fifty-seven percent of respondents were not yet willing to accept that cannabis is a leading industry and that people should support it. Fifty-four percent of respondents believed that Humboldt County would be better off in the future without cannabis. Most landowners included in the survey reported having observed changes in grower demographics in the last decade. Most felt that the number of small cannabis growers is decreasing. Sixty-one percent felt that the number connected to organized crime is increasing and perceived that there is an increasing number of green rush growers in their communities. Most respondents were concerned about organized crime, while only 48% were concerned with green rush growers and 18% with small growers. Overall, resident and absentee owners expressed similar views on most issues. Of the survey’s 59 statements on experiences and perceptions, pots for cannabis plants statistically significant differences between the two groups appeared for only eight statements.

Absentee owners were more likely to report that their surface water resources had been impacted by growers; that their fences or infrastructure had been destroyed by growers; that their safety had been threatened by growers and that they had been threatened by growers on public land. Absentee owners were also more likely to be concerned that growers were taking over public land. They were less likely to agree that growers manage timberland sustainably and that cannabis production decreases their property values. With this study, we aimed to better understand the experiences and perceptions of traditional agricultural producers — the families who, in most cases for several generations, have made a living off their land, all the while watching changes occur in the social, economic and environmental dynamics that surround cannabis. This survey’s documentation of social tensions may not come as a surprise to those who have lived in Humboldt County . Even after many decades of cannabis cultivation, traditional agricultural producers have not warmed to the people or practices involved in the cannabis industry. Indeed, changes in the social fabric of the cannabis industry have only perpetuated and intensified existing tensions. As this survey shows, concerns about “small growers” are minimal now — those growers have become part of the community, and one-third of respondents agreed that they know growers whose values align with their own. What was novel 40 years ago is now a cultural norm. Today’s concerns center instead on the challenges of current cannabis culture: environmental degradation and the threat of major social and economic change. Respondents mostly agreed that growers today are less reasonable than those who have been in the county for many years. As one respondent wrote, “Growers are a cancer on Humboldt County.” This distrust highlights the challenges that, in rural areas, can often hinder community-building and mutual assistance mechanisms, which are often needed in isolated communities.As the survey shows, approximately 40% of respondents have been impacted indirectly by the cannabis industry, and some respondents have directly profited through cannabis production themselves. Interestingly, just over half the respondents chose not to say whether they grow cannabis, hinting at the possibility that, even for traditional agricultural producers, cannabis has presented an opportunity to supplement income and cover the costs of landownership. However, the broader economic growth attributed to the cannabis industry is not always viewed favorably, and a majority of respondents agreed that Humboldt County would be better off in the future without cannabis.

Some respondents claimed that the industry has increased the cost of labor and that, in many cases, it can be difficult to find laborers at all because the work force has been absorbed by higher-paying cannabis operations. Likewise, many respondents agreed that land values have increased because of cannabis. But for landowners whose property has been passed down through generations, and who have little intention of selling, increased land values translate into increased taxes and difficulty in expanding operations, both of which can be limiting for families who are often land-rich but cash-poor. One respondent wrote, “Yes, the price of land has gone up… but this is a negative. It increases the inheritance tax burden, and it has become so expensive that my own adult children cannot afford to live here.” In Humboldt County’s unique economic climate, it’s difficult for most landowners to decide whether the opportunities the cannabis industry provides are worth the toll that they believe the industry takes on their culture and community — it’s not a simple story. As one respondent noted, “If I had taken this survey 40 years ago, my response would have been very different. With Humboldt County’s poor economy, everyone is relying on the cannabis industry in one way or another.” Our survey provides an important baseline from which such changing attitudes can be measured. Our results should be seen in the context of larger trends involving population and agricultural land in Humboldt County. At the time we were preparing our survey, property records indicated that slightly more than 200 landowners in the county owned at least 500 acres; these individuals made up our survey population. Past research, however, has documented that cannabis was likely grown on over 5,000 distinct parcels in Humboldt County in 2016 . Our survey respondents, because of their large holdings, may be unusually exposed to cannabis growers physically because their larger properties may have more contact with cannabis growers. At the same time, these respondents might be better able to survive economically in a Humboldt County without cannabis. It is unclear if the experiences and perspectives of many Humboldt County smaller landowners would be similar to those of these large landowners. For many in Humboldt County, the impacts of cannabis production on property and the environment are a central concern. Respondents mentioned problems involving shared roads and fences, illegal garbage dumping and contamination, deforestation, fire hazards, feral dogs and impacts on wildlife and domestic livestock. One respondent wrote that “Growers leave a mess, steal water, tear up roads, let guard dogs damage neighbors’ property, including livestock, poison wildlife, increase soil erosion and threaten people.” In many ways, it seems that land ethics are at the center of the concerns that traditional agricultural producers harbor about the new wave of cannabis growers. Though respondents remarked on cannabis growing’s direct impacts on the environment, they also largely agreed that the cannabis industry is causing fewer young people to enter traditional farming careers — and that growers are taking over working lands. It is unknown if the rates at which successive generations stay in the family business are lower in Humboldt County than in rural communities less influenced by cannabis.

For families who have managed and lived off these lands for decades — most of them for more than 50 years — these shifting stewardship ethics threaten their immediate environment as well as their very identity. Medical cannabis use was illegal throughout the US until 1996, and recreational use was illegal until 2012. As of August 2021, 18 US states, the District of Columbia, Guam, and the Northern Marianas Islands had passed laws permitting recreational and medical cannabis and 17 states permitted only medical cannabis . Supporters’ reasoning for legalization includes arguments about therapeutic benefits, redirecting law enforcement to violent crimes, personal freedom, tax revenues, product regulations, and harmlessness . Both recreational and medical legalization increase cannabis use . In Colorado, the first state to legalize adult-use cannabis in 2012, past 30-day cannabis use increased among those aged 18–25 from 26.8% in 2011 to 34.4% in 2018 . The regulated cannabis market in Colorado registered $10 billion in sales between 2014, when adult-use sales began, and 2020, when sales reached $2.19 billion . Cannabis smoking, overwhelmingly the most common form of cannabis consumption , exposes users to many of the same toxins contained in tobacco smoke, including particulate matter , polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, gasses, and volatile organic compounds . Cannabis use is associated with more frequent chronic bronchitis episodes, airway injury, myocardial infarction, and ischemic stroke . Secondhand cannabis flood table smoke also poses a risk to nonsmokers . Commercial determinants of health research, which studies the commercial drivers of poor health outcomes, has identified mechanisms of influence that the tobacco, food, and alcohol industries employ to promote products in ways that compromise public health . Tobacco, alcohol, and gambling companies, for example, hire lobbyists to influence policy, connect with front groups and allied industries to oppose regulation, and build relationships with policymakers through political donations . Tobacco, alcohol, and food interests orchestrate lobbying across industries and transnationally to promote policies favorable to consumption. The cannabis industry has a similar interest in maximizing profits by creating a favorable regulatory environment. Cannabis corporations share links with the alcohol and tobacco industries. Tobacco companies Altria , Imperial Brands , and British American Tobacco , have all made significant investments in cannabis, a long-anticipated development . Constellation Brands, maker of Corona beer, has also made investments in Canopy Growth, a Canadian cannabis corporation . Tobacco and alcohol interests have openly formalized a cannabis-focused political association as members of the Coalition for Cannabis Policy, Education, and Regulation, a lobbying group that lists Altria, Constellation Brands, and Molson Coors Beverage Company as members.

Employing tactics used by the tobacco industry for decades , cannabis companies are also vested in major sports through sponsorship of athletes and leagues in the USS . Considering the health risks involved with cannabis use and the conflict between public health and the commercial interests of these industries, systematic analyses of cannabis industry influence on policy making are essential. There has been little study on the topic despite several calls for research . Although there have been popular media reports on cannabis industry lobbying expenditures, we identified no systematic analyses that assessed cannabis lobbying over time or identified connections between the cannabis industry and affiliates. Cannabis products are legal in multiple states, while remaining illegal at the federal level. Even though federal law technically supersedes state law, gaps in enforcement have been carved out by the federal government to allow for state legalization of adult-use and medical cannabis . As a result, it remains to be seen whether cannabis industry efforts to influence policy are comparable to other industries for which recreational consumption has historically been legal. In this study we sought to describe cannabis industry lobbying in the Colorado state legislature, which dictates product standards, licensing requirements, and other policies relevant to cannabis sales. We hypothesized that the cannabis industry would use strategies similar to those of other similar industries including relying on hired lobbyists , obscuring industry funding, working with related industries, and building national networks to support policies likely to increase consumption . We focused on Colorado because it was the first state to legalize recreational cannabis in 2012, making it possible to assess whether cannabis industry lobbying activities have become comparable to other industries in nature and scope over time. Because of the complexity of relationships between the cannabis industry, lobbyists, and government officials, we supplemented the quantitative analyses with a case study illustrating cannabis industry tactics to influence the Colorado legislature. Colorado requires lobbyists to file reports on their activities with the Secretary of State, even if they are a salaried employee of the business they represent.

Many college students began smoking cannabis to protest the war in Vietnam

Yet another limitation of the criminal justice perspective is its focus on the national trends, federal mass media, or the general public. It is important to remember that the early regulatory efforts happen at the local level. When scholars use the term “public” , they often refer to “national” in its scope, impact, or character . According to James Hunter, public debate should mean not national but local debate “among people who live and work in relative proximity to each other and who care about their common neighborhoods and communities, towns, cities, and regions; and within institutions that are prominent and integrated into the communities where these people live” . There is a vast territory of social life between national culture and individual meanings, which is often overlooked in the canonical socio-legal literature on drugs. The focus on local processes allow us to see that criminalization and legalization were happening at the same time; that the debate on the decriminalization of cannabis took place before the full-fledged war on drugs ; that African Americans supported cannabis legalization at the lower rates but eventually had higher rates of incarceration for cannabis arrests ; that the decriminalization efforts of the Kennedy, Johnson, and Ford administration were not temporary and incidental but had long lasting effects and eventually resulted in cannabis legalization; that many legislative proposals failed and did not become “events” but affected the future legislations; that 2/3 of California cities supported cannabis legalization, but only 1/3 of them allowed legal cannabis businesses . In this section, I focus on the history of cannabis legalization in California. In particular, I describe the role of social movements in legalizing medical and recreational cannabis, their failures and victories, tactical repertoires,vertical grow shelf political threats, and discursive opportunities.

As I discussed above, cannabis prohibition and cannabis legalization are not separate processes; these are two dialectically united phenomena that interact, contradict, negate, and reaffirm each other. Socio-legal scholars, who are interested in cannabis as a criminal justice issue, often overlook the fact that control does not exist without resistance and that criminalization and legalization are two sides of the same coin. It is impossible to understand lawmaking processes without considering the work of mobilized groups of citizens challenging the unfair laws and shifting agendas of resourceful players. As I show below, defining the “drug problem” is not a prerogative of mighty actors or institutions. Some less powerful actors can create and promote alternative narratives about drugs and drug users and ultimately succeed in changing the governing norms and public opinion. The ongoing cannabis legalization in California offers a clear illustration of how social movements can become a local source of power and foster ideational change. California has been a pioneer in both criminalizing and decriminalizing cannabis. It was the first state to prohibit recreational use of cannabis in 1913 and the first to allow its medical use in 1996. Pro-cannabis social movements emerged in response to the Controlled Substance Act that classified cannabis as a Schedule I drug . According to Andreas Glaeser , change becomes possible when the state fails to positively validate people’s understandings of the social world. Understandings contribute significantly to the stabilization of political institutions, but for this to happen, they need to be continuously validated. There are three modes of understanding based on: interpretations, emotions, and senses. In the case of cannabis, the de-fetishization of the prohibitionist policies started in the 1960s, when new scientific evidence, dissatisfaction with authorities, and people’s own experience challenged the domain of unquestioned background assumptions about cannabis and its users.

The first objection to the prohibitionist assumptions came from the scientific community, which provided a new interpretation of cannabis. Although Nixon disowned the Shafer Commission’s report , which called for the decriminalization of cannabis possession, its results were spreading in society, along with the La Guardia Report of 1944. From the 1970s, scientific evidence proving the medical benefits of cannabis and demystifying its deleterious effects was multiplying, but the government continued to ignore it. The scientific community was calling for thorough research of the chemical properties, pharmacological qualities, and therapeutic applications of cannabis . More and more studies had shown the possible benefits of cannabis use. However, the scientific evidence was constantly downplayed by the federal authorities and the National Institute of Drug Abuse, who continued to fixate on presumed adverse effects of cannabis . For instance, the Reagan administration ignored the National Academy of Science’s report published in 1982,40 which questioned the effectiveness of full prohibition and recommended removal of criminal sanctions. Under the democratic Clinton presidency, a study co-authored by Harvard Medical School and Yale University showed the efficacy of cannabis for a wide range of ailments.Yet, once again, scientific findings did not change the anti-cannabis course of the political establishment; on the contrary, the drug-war budget doubled, and the record number of Americans were arrested on cannabis charges in those years . The second challenge to the prohibitionist status quo was a growing dissatisfaction with the US drug policy and the defiance of state authority. Cannabis use became a form of protest, a central symbol of the counterculture, and a ritual that demonstrated the willingness of young Americans to run risks with their peers.The government responded with harsher enforcement of drug laws: cannabis-related arrests rose from 18,000 in 1965 to 220,000 in 1970. That inevitably amplified protest movements. According to Patrick Anderson, the legalization movement began on August 16, 1964, when a young man walked into a police station in San Francisco, lit a cannabis joint and asked to be arrested.

Later that year, his lawyer launched the Legalize Marijuana organization , which sponsored the first pro-cannabis demonstration in America. In sum, the legalization movement was developing in response to political threats, confronting the mythology of “reefer madness” and persuading Americans that the time had come to change political priorities and put an end to the incarceration of young people for using a mild intoxicant . The third challenge to the prohibitionist discourse arose at the level of individual senses. An increasing number of people who used cannabis realized that it was no more dangerous than alcohol. The fact that cannabis was classified as the most dangerous drug, causing more damage than cocaine, opium, or methadone, sounded preposterous to those who had experienced cannabis effects. Thus, less and less people believed in the myths propagated during the anti-cannabis campaign. In 1975, psychiatrist and social activist Tod Hiro Mikuriya wrote: “Marijuana use in America is reminiscent of the era of Prohibition, in that almost 30 million people have smoked pot and the police of the 180 million other Americans are trying to prevent them from doing so. Despite vigorous efforts of society to regulate by deterrent legal sanctions, they have obviously failed. The use continues to escalate. In fact, marijuana has become a permanent part of American society. Since those who try and continue to use pot find it enjoyable, and many more people are trying it all the time, marijuana use is clearly here to stay. The time has passed when prohibition against personal use and possession should have been repealed”.All three factors—scientific evidence, dissatisfaction with authorities, and personal experience—made Americans more susceptible to the proclaimed dangers of cannabis. And this, in turn, raised political dissidence. In the 1970s, many social activists felt that the decriminalization and legalization of cannabis were just “around the corner.” Not only scientists and activists but also some state actors favored the depenalization of cannabis. The National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws became the main voice of the pro-cannabis movement. Founded in 1970 by Georgetown law graduate Keith Stroup, the organization brought together a group of young lawyers, scientists, civic leaders, and even politicians to fight for cannabis reform .43 From the very beginning, NORML was a public-interest lobby that represented the interests of cannabis users, focusing on individual rights and the social harm caused by incarceration for minor drug offenses. Although its ultimate goal was the complete legalization of cannabis, in the 1970s, NORML focused mainly on the depenalization of cannabis and its removal from the list of Schedule I controlled substances. A catalyst of the national pro-cannabis movement, NORML scored its first victory in 1973 when Oregon has ended criminal penalties for smoking cannabis. Over the decade, several more states—including California—have followed suit. In 1976, California approved the Moscone Act,44 which made possession of small amounts of cannabis a civil instead of a criminal offense. That was the beginning of cannabis decriminalization in California: felony arrests for cannabis decreased fourfold—from 99,587 in 1974 to 19,284 in 1976 .

In subsequent years, both the number of organizations working on pro-cannabis issues and the pressure imposed on the federal government increased. In 1977, President Carter asked Congress to decriminalize the possession of small amounts of cannabis grow indoor at the federal level . But his plan never came to life due to the scandal discrediting his drug advisor Peter Bourne and the emergence of the grassroots parents’ organizations, which were building strong opposition to cannabis decriminalization. In 1986, the Drug Enforcement Administration finally agreed to review a petition filed by NORML and the American Public Health Association that asked to recognize the medical value of cannabis and remove it from Schedule I classification . After careful investigation, the DEA’s chief administrative law judge Francis L. Young stated that cannabis “has been accepted as capable of relieving the distress of great numbers of very ill people […] and it would be unreasonable […] for DEA to continue to stand between those sufferers and the benefits of this substance.”The judge permitted the transfer of cannabis from Schedule I to Schedule II so that cannabis could be legally available for patients. However, the DEA director ignored such recommendations . Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the federal government and the media launched the largest anti-drug and anti-cannabis campaign. In this cultural context, the pro-cannabis movements did not have any political or discursive opportunities to bring about legal change. To a great degree, the success of social movements depends on their ability to “offer frames that tap into a hegemonic discourse” . Cannabis activists had nothing to offer; their claims did not resonate with ideas widely accepted in the broader society. The situation has changed with the AIDS epidemic, which provided discursive opportunities for politically effective framing.Robert Randall, a young college professor from Washington, D.C., was the Rosa Parks of the medical cannabis movement . In 1976, he sued the federal government for the right to use cannabis to treat his glaucoma. His doctor testified that the use of cannabis significantly decreased eye pressure, one of the primary symptoms of glaucoma, which kept Randall from going blind . In 1978, D.C. Superior Court established an important legal precedent: Randall won his case and became the first legal cannabis smoker since cannabis prohibition in 1937. However, Randall’s victory did not solve the problem of obtaining cannabis legally. He was not allowed to grow cannabis for himself and filed a petition demanding that the government provides him enough cannabis from the federal experimental farm at the University of Mississippi . His victory forced the Food and Drug Administration to establish the Compassionate Investigational New Drug Program, which provided government-grown cannabis for seriously ill patients. However, the program was limited to a small number of patients since many people who had received medical approval were rejected by the program . By 1991, only 15 patients were enrolled in the program. Randall’s legal precedent was a landmark victory, and social movements continued to exploit the medical discourse in the following years. Pro-cannabis activists crafted the image of cannabis as a compassionate palliative for seriously ill people and the image of cannabis users as patients, not criminals . However, such a medical frame was not very successful until the AIDS epidemic in the 1980s, which made medical cannabis an urgent issue and provided first discursive and later political opportunities for the movement. Many AIDS patients experienced wasting syndrome, and cannabis helped them stimulate appetite, retain weight, and prolong lives. As Cyrus Dioun argues, “the death and devastation of the AIDS epidemic made it necessary to discuss previously unmentionable topics” . From 1980 to 1995, over 500,000 AIDS cases and over 300,000 AIDS deaths have been reported in the US. San Francisco was at the forefront of both the AIDS crisis and the medical cannabis movement.

The slippage from civil noncompliance to criminality was mirrored in enforcement practices

Residence in states with medically legal cannabis was associated with higher odds of cannabis use during the preconception period but not associated with use at any other time. The difference in odds of cannabis use between medically and recreationally legal states could be explained by several factors. Provider responses to women may vary based on legalization status and could impact a pregnant woman’s choice to discontinue use early in pregnancy. A recent study in Pennsylvania found healthcare providers were much more likely to focus on legal implications of use rather than health implications when women disclosed use in pregnancy . In medically legal states, cannabis use is often only allowed for a limited set of medical conditions . Therefore, if providers focus on the legality of use in states with more restrictions, pregnant women might be more convinced to quit using cannabis; whereas, in recreational states no “illegal use” exists and perhaps there is less pressure from providers for women to quit cannabis use. Similarly, another study found if providers did not discuss cannabis use during a visit most pregnant women assumed this meant cannabis use during pregnancy posed no health risk . Duration of legalization may also play a role in the differences observed between recreational and medical cannabis states. Medical cannabis legalization first took place in 1996 and in the subsequent two decades resulted in the development of cannabis prevention programs specific to pregnancy, whereas, context of more recent recreational legalization are in their infancy. Further research is warranted to examine how prevention practices differ between states with recreational and medical cannabis legalization and the resultant outcomes.As seen in other studies, the association with inadequate prenatal care and cannabis use in this study may be a result of selection bias insofar as women who use substances may not access prenatal care due to their substance use behaviors or fear of being reported. Alternatively, women using substances during pregnancy tend to be younger and with lower education attainment and may not access prenatal care due to some other external barriers irrespective of substance use and therefore continue use because they do not receive education about cessation of substances during pregnancy .

Inadequate prenatal care is associated with cannabis use across all time periods in this study suggesting a need for public health or clinical interventions prior to pregnancy. One possibility would be to consider delivering cannabis prevention education outside prenatal care through public service announcements and warning labels on legally sold cannabis products consistent with prevention strategies used for prenatal alcohol use . Furthermore, since the study found that parity was a protective factor against cannabis growing system use in all three time periods, offering prevention education for women of reproductive age at any medical appointment may be an effective strategy to reach women before future pregnancies and promote abstinence from any substance use prior to conception. Based on the review of the literature, this study is possibly the first to include e-cigarettes in the assessment of tobacco co-use with cannabis. E-cigarettes present an emerging public health crisis and are considered especially harmful during pregnancy given the increase in nicotine exposure to the pregnant woman and fetus . The odds of tobacco use in association with cannabis use were slightly higher than in other studies looking at traditional tobacco use alone . Possibly, as e-cigarette use increases during pregnancy, there is a concomitant increase in use of cannabis especially given new technology making it easy to “vape” nicotine and cannabis together .Whittington and et al., provided evidence that e-cigarette use is on the rise in pregnancy as is concurrently used with combustible tobacco which could account for the magnitude of the association found in this study. Notably, the indicator for tobacco use in this study was one or more cigarettes and did not differentiate between intensity of smoking possibly leading to an overestimation of use in our sample resulting in the higher reported odds. Interpretation of the study findings is subject to several limitations including the cross-sectional design which precludes causal inference. In addition, the stigma associated with substance use in pregnancy may have resulted in under reporting of use and underestimation of prevalence rates, although the PRAMS computer-assisted interviews could decrease this bias to some degree . The PRAMS also relies on women to recall their substance use from the past year, during the postpartum period, potentially leading to over- or under-reporting of past year use of cannabis.

Limitations due to the use of secondary data include the inability to measure cannabis use throughout the pregnancy and only at designated times as specified in the survey questions. Finally, due to the difficulty of analyzing policies in motion given that recreational cannabis legalization is a new policy, a possibility exists that not enough time has passed to estimate the full impact of the changing policy on use rates . Also, cannabis use rates may be higher in recreational or medical states prior to the passage of cannabis laws and therefore the higher rates of use were not associated with the policy change. Future studies should take advantage of additional years of post recreational legalization data as they become available and analyze the direct impact on policies on prenatal use.With the passage of Proposition 64 , state voters elected to integrate cannabis into civil regulation. The California Department of Food and Agriculture oversees state-licensed cannabis cultivation and defined it as agriculture.Prior to the possibility of state licensure for cultivators, however, counties can decide on other designations and implement strict limitations. In effect, local governments have become gatekeepers to whether and how cultivation of personal, medical or recreational cannabis can occur and the repercussions of noncompliance. When cannabis is denied a consistent status as agriculture, despite being a legal agricultural commodity according to the state, localities can determine who counts as a farmer and who is considered compliant, non-compliant and even criminal. In Siskiyou County’s unincorporated areas, the Sheriff’s Office now arbitrates between the effectively criminal and agricultural. Paradoxically for this libertarian county, the furor around cannabis has seen calls for government intervention, and has led to officials passing highly stringent cannabis cultivation regulations that have been enforced largely by law enforcement, muddying the line between noncompliance and criminality. These strict regulations produced a situation where “not one person” has been able to come into compliance, according to a knowledgeable government official. Nonetheless, at the sheriff’s urging, Siskiyou declared a “state of emergency” due to “nearly universal non-compliance” , branding cannabis cultivation an “out-of-control problem.” Such a strong reaction against cannabis can be understood in terms of cannabis’s potential to reorganize Siskiyou’s agricultural and economic landscape.

According to some estimates, there are now approximately twice as many cannabis cultivators as non-cannabis farmers and ranchers in Siskiyou , a significant change from just a few years ago. Although cannabis has been cultivated in this mostly white county for decades, since 2015 it has become associated with an in-migration of Hmong-American cultivators. Made highly visible through enforcement practices, policy forums and media discourses, Hmong-Americans have become symbolically representative of the “problem.” This high visibility, however, obscures a deeper issue, what Doremus et al. see as a nostalgic, static conception of rural culture that requires defensive action as a bulwark against change. Such locally-defined conceptions need to be understood , especially in how they are defined and defended and what effects they have on parity among farmers growing different types of crops. Our goals in this study were to consider the consequences of an enforcement-first regulatory approach — a common regulatory strategy across California — and its differential effects across local populations. Using Siskiyou County as a case study, we paid attention to the public agencies, actors and discourses that guided the formation and enforcement of restrictive cannabis cultivation regulations as well as attempts to ameliorate perceptions of racialized enforcement. This study attends to novel post legalization apparatuses, their grounding in traditional definitions of culture and the ways these dynamics reactivate prohibition. We used qualitative ethnographic methods of research, including participant observation and interviews. In situations of criminalization, which we define not only as the leveling of criminal sanctions but being discursively labeled or responded to as criminal-like , quantitative data can be unreliable and opaque, which necessitates the use of qualitative ethnographic methods . In 2018–2019, we talked to a wide range of people — including cannabis growers from a diversity of ethnic backgrounds, government officials, business people, subdivision residents, farm service providers, medical cannabis advocates, realtors, lawyers, farmers and ranchers, and,hydroponics rack system with the assistance of a Hmong-American interpreter, members of the Hmong-American community. We also analyzed public records and county ordinances, Board of Supervisors meeting minutes and audio , Sheriff’s Office press releases and documents, related media articles and videos, and websites of owners’ associations in the subdivisions where cannabis law enforcement efforts have focused. Some cannabis cultivators regarded us suspiciously and were hesitant to speak openly, an unsurprising phenomenon when researching hidden, illegal and stigmatized activities, like “drug” commerce . This circumspection was most intense among Hmong-American growers on subdivisions, who had been particularly highlighted through enforcement efforts and local, regional and national media accounts linking their relatively recent presence in Siskiyou to cannabis growing. Human subjects in this research are protected under the Committee for Protection of Human Subjects, protocol number 2018-04-1136 , of the Office for Protection of Human Subjects at UC Berkeley.Siskiyou is a large rural county located in the mid-Klamath River basin in Northern California . Since the mid-19th century, inmigrants have historically engaged in agriculture, predominantly livestock grazing and hay production, and natural resource extraction, primarily timber and mining.

Public records demonstrate that although the value of the county’s agricultural output and natural resource extraction is declining, these cultural livelihoods still shape the area’s dominant rural values of self-reliance, hard work and property rights . For instance, one county document stated that Siskiyou’s cultural-economic stability depends on nonintervention from “outside groups and governments” and residents should be “subject only to the rule of nature and free markets” . Another document, a “Primer for living in Siskiyou County” from the county administrator, outlined “the Code of the West” for “newcomers,” asserting that locals are “rugged individuals” who live “outside city limits,” and that the “right to be rural” protects and prioritizes working agricultural land for “economic purpose[s]” . We heard a common refrain that localities will eventually succumb to the allure of a taxable, profitable cannabis industry. Indeed, interviewees in Siskiyou universally reported economic contributions from cannabis cultivation, especially apparent in rising property values and tax rolls and booming business at horticultural, farm supply, soil, generator, food and hardware stores . However, a belief in an inevitable free market economic rationality may underestimate the deep cultural logics that have historically superseded economic gains in regional resource conflicts . As one local store owner told us, “I’d give up this new profit in a heartbeat for the benefit of our society.” Many long-time farming and ranching families remain committed to agricultural livelihoods for cultural reasons , even as the economic viability of family farms is threatened by increasing farmland financialization , corporate consolidation and biophysical decline . Many interviewees felt that the recent rapid expansion of county cannabis cultivation and corresponding demographic changes were a visible marker of broader tensions of cultural continuity and endangerment. As the sheriff expressed, cannabis cultivation would “jeopardize our way of life … [and] the future of our children” . This sense of cultural jeopardy , echoed by numerous interviewees, materialized in a range of negative quality-of-life comments about cannabis cultivation: noisy generators, increased traffic, litter and blighted properties, and unsafe conditions for residents. Non-cannabis farmers also reported farm equipment and water theft, livestock killed by abandoned dogs, wildfire danger, illicit chemical use and poisoned wildlife. Some non-cannabis farmers expressed a sense of regulatory unfairness — that their farms were subject to onerous water and chemical use regulations while cannabis growers “don’t need to follow the government’s regulations.” Enabling cannabis cultivators to pursue state licensure would facilitate just such civil regulation, but some feared that regulating this crop as agriculture would threaten “the loss of prime agriculturally productive lands for traditional pursuits” .

Surface water and springs were the next–most common sources

The environmental impacts of stream diversions are likely to be greatest during the dry summer months,which coincide with the peak of the growing season for cannabis. Further, because cannabis cultivation operations often exhibit spatial clustering , some areas with higher densities of cultivation sites may contain multiple, small diversions that collectively exert significant effects on streams . An important assumption underlying these concerns, however, is that cultivators rely primarily on surface water diversions for irrigation during the growing season. Assessments of water use impacts on the environment may be inaccurate if cultivators in fact use water from other sources. For instance, withdrawals from wells may affect surface flows immediately, after a lag or not at all, depending on the well’s location and its degree of hydrologic connectivity with surface water sources . Documenting the degree to which cannabis cultivators extract their water from above ground and below ground sources is therefore a high priority. In 2015, the North Coast Regional Water Quality Control Board , one of nine regional boards of the State Water Resources Control Board, developed a Cannabis Waste Discharge Regulatory Program to address cannabis cultivation’s impacts on water, including stream flow depletion and water quality degradation. A key feature of the cannabis program is an annual reporting system that requires enrollees to report the water source they use and the amount of water they use each month of the year. Enrollees are further required to document their compliance status with several standard conditions of operation established by the cannabis program. These include a Water Storage and Use Condition, which requires cultivators to develop off-stream storage facilities to minimize surface water diversions during low flow periods, among other water conservation measures. Reports that demonstrate noncompliance with the Water Storage and Use Standard Condition indicate that enrollees have not yet implemented operational changes necessary for achieving regulatory compliance. In this research, we analyzed data gathered from annual reports covering 2017 to gain a greater understanding of how water is extracted from the environment for cannabis cultivation. The data used in this study was collected from cannabis sites enrolled for regulatory coverage under the cannabis program.

The program was adopted in August 2015, with the majority of enrollees entering the program in late 2016 and early 2017. The data presented in this article was collected from annual reports submitted in 2018 ,flood and drain tray which reflected site conditions during the 2017 cultivation year. The data therefore represents, for the majority of enrollees in the cannabis program, the first full season of cultivation regulated by the water quality control board. Because the data was self-reported, we screened reports for quality and restricted the dataset to reports prepared by professional consultants. Most such reports were prepared by approved third-party programs that partnered with the board to provide efficient administration of, and verification of conformity with, the cannabis program. Additional criteria for excluding reports included claims of applying water from storage without any corresponding input to storage, substantial water input from rain during dry summer months and failure to list a proper water source. Reports containing outliers of monthly water extraction amounts were also identified and excluded due to the likelihood of erroneous reporting or the difficulty of estimating water use at very large operations. Extreme outliers were defined as those values outside 1.5 times the bounds of the interquartile range . Farms were not required to use water meters, and those without meters often estimated usage based on how frequently they filled and emptied small, temporary storage tanks otherwise used for gravity feed systems or nutrient mixing. The final dataset included 901 reports. Parcels of land where cannabis was cultivated — including multiple contiguous parcels under single ownership — constituted a site, and this is the scale on which reporting was conducted. The spatial extent of the cannabis program included all of California’s North Coast region ; however, only a subset of the counties in this region allow cannabis cultivation and therefore reports were only received from the following counties: Humboldt , Trinity , Mendocino and Sonoma . Because Sonoma County contributed relatively little data, we combined Sonoma County’s enrollments with those from Mendocino County when making county-level comparisons. The data used for this analysis included the source and amount of water that cultivators added to storage each month as well as the source and amount of water applied to plants each month. We did not analyze absolute water extraction rates. Rather, we used the amount of water extracted each month — whether water was added to storage or applied to plants directly from the source — to analyze seasonal variation in each water source’s share of total water extraction. Water sources included: surface , spring , rain , well , delivery and municipal.

The two external sources — delivery and municipal — were consolidated into a single category.Because staff from the water quality control board were not able to corroborate the accuracy of reported data, enrollees may have classified water sources erroneously. A well placed in proximity to a stream, for example, might properly qualify as a diversion of surface water; so might rainwater catchment ponds or spring diversions that are hydrologically connected to a watercourse. We attempted to minimize these potential errors by restricting the dataset to reports prepared by professional consultants. As mentioned, enrollees were required to assess several standard conditions in their site reports, including water storage and use requirements. To encourage cultivators to join the regulated industry, and because many cultivation sites existed prior to adoption of the cannabis program, existing sites were not required to comply with standard conditions as a prerequisite for enrollment. Rather, cultivators unable to comply with the standards when they enrolled were required to indicate their lack of compliance and develop a plan for achieving compliance. Such sites were not held in violation of regulations, thus removing a potential motivation to falsely report site conditions. More than one-quarter of enrollees in the dataset reported noncompliance with the Water Storage and Use Standard Condition. To address question 1 — from which sources cannabis cultivators most frequently extract water across the North Coast region, and if extraction patterns differ across the region — we calculated the percentage of sites that reported use of each water source . We also calculated, for sites using each source, the percentage of sites that also used at least one other source category. Directly applying water to plants and also placing water in storage did not constitute use of multiple extraction sources if the water was drawn from the same source category. Additionally, sites that used multiple inputs from the same category — for example, multiple wells — were not considered users of multiple sources, as this classification was reserved for extraction from multiple categories of sources. We performed all elements of our analysis for the entire dataset and for each county individually. To address question 2 — how reliance on each water source differed from one month to another — we divided each site’s monthly water extraction total by its annual extraction total to calculate the relative percentage of water extracted in each month, and performed similar calculations for each source category. The median amount of water extracted and interquartile range were calculated for each month — both for overall extractions and for each source category individually. To address question 3 — whether sites reporting compliance with the Water Storage and Use Standard Condition relied on different water sources than those reporting noncompliance — we compared water source extraction patterns for sites of both types. Specifically, we calculated for each compliance status the percentage of sites that extracted water from each source category and made comparisons accordingly; and did likewise for monthly extraction patterns, following procedures similar to those described in regard to question 2.

The purpose of this comparison was strictly qualitative, and no inferential statistics were performed to determine statistically significant differences. Instead, this element of our analysis was performed for exploratory purposes, with the intention of identifying broad trends that warrant future attention.The most commonly reported water source was wells . Over half the sites reported at least some reliance on wells for their irrigation water.Rainwater catchment and off-site water were the least commonly used water sources . Sites using wells and off-site sources were the least likely to use additional sources . In contrast, sites using rain catchment systems most frequently reported using an additional source category,hydroponic tables canada followed by sites reporting use of spring diversions and surface diversions . To determine if the observed high frequency of well use was due to bias associated with examining only reports prepared by consultants, we reincorporated sites without consultants and reran the analysis on this dataset . Reported well use was slightly more common among sites not using consultants than among sites using consultants . Counties displayed notable variation in the frequency with which cannabis cultivators used particular water sources . Compared to all sites in the dataset, sites in Humboldt County relied more on surface water and spring diversions , with fewer relying on wells . The pattern was reversed in Trinity County, with a high percentage of sites there reporting well use and relatively few using surface and spring diversions. A large number of sites in Trinity County were located in a single watershed known for a high concentration of similar cultivation practices, so we recalculated the percentages with these sites excluded. The resulting totals for Trinity County were closer to the overall results: wells , surface , spring , rain and off-site . Mendocino and Sonoma counties reported a similar pattern of extraction sources per site: wells , surface , spring , rain and off-site . Patterns of using multiple sources varied among counties. Sites in Humboldt County using well water extraction much more commonly used additional sources of water than did similar sites in Trinity and Mendocino/Sonoma counties. Use of additional sources was also more common among Humboldt County sites extracting surface water and spring water than among sites using surface and spring water in Trinity County and Mendocino/Sonoma counties . Wells were a prominent water source for cannabis cultivators during the summer months . Extraction from wells generally peaked in August and declined in off-season months. The pattern was reversed for rainwater use, with most extraction occurring in off-season months. Spring water use was generally even across the year, with slightly higher use during the growing season. Surface diversions occurred throughout the year, but declined late in the growing season, likely reflecting declining availability of surface water. The pattern exhibited in off-site water use closely matched that of well water; the former, however, was a less substantial source of water in general. There appeared to be differences in the extraction sources reported by compliant and non-compliant sites .

Although nearly one-third of non-compliant sites used well extraction, this source was more than twice as frequently reported among compliant sites . In contrast, non-compliant sites reported surface diversion and spring diversion more commonly than did compliant sites . Rain and off-site sources were the least commonly used for both compliant sites and non-compliant sites . Use of additional alternative sources was lower for compliant sites with wells than for non-compliant sites with wells . The seasonal extraction patterns of compliant and non-compliant sites were generally similar , following the overall pattern discussed above.We found that well water is the most commonly reported source of extracted water for cannabis cultivation in the North Coast region of California. Furthermore, among the source categories, wells are least frequently supplemented with alternative sources. Spring and surface water diversions together are also important water sources, with seasonal patterns of use that are distinct from well water extraction. Reported timing of well water extraction closely tracks the water demand patterns of plants, indicating that cultivators are applying well water directly to plants, rather than storing it. In contrast, the timing of extractions of spring water and surface water remains relatively consistent throughout the year, suggesting that water from these sources may be diverted to storage in the winter, reducing the need for extraction in the summer months. These seasonal extraction patterns and the relative predominance of each source may inform assessments of cannabis cultivation’s impacts on water availability.

Ingestion and inhalation were the most common routes of exposure

Surveys conducted in April 2020 found that Canadian adolescents aged 14 to 18 years increased their alcohol and cannabis use, and had increased feelings of depression and fear, which are associated with solitary substance use. To our knowledge, no study has examined changes in cannabis exposures in California since recreational legalization in November 2016, the institution of a recreational retail sales market in January 2018, or after the March 2020 statewide shelter-in-place orders intended to reduce the risk of exposure to COVID-19. Past research assessing unintended consequences of cannabis legalizations notes that existing studies are not generalizable to all populations and states; this is particularly relevant for California, which by itself constitutes the world’s largest cannabis market. Previous studies of cannabis exposures were completed before the COVID-19 pandemic and failed to capture exposure rates under pandemic conditions. Since Colorado first legalized recreational cannabis use in 2012, other states have followed and also implemented legalization of recreational cannabis. In this study we reviewed cannabis exposures in California, before and after legalization of recreational cannabis use, after the establishment of recreational retail sales, and during the first nine months of the COVID-19 global pandemic. We also classified product exposures by type to assess which might be associated with exposures among children, in light of popular media reports that have identified group overdoses among children involving cannabis gummies.CPCS serves California’s population of 40 million people, making it the largest poison control provider in the United States. We obtained reports of cannabis exposures from CPCS from January 1, 2010 to December 31, 2020. Inclusion criteria were human exposures to cannabis and cannabis containing products reported within California. Cases were identified by searching the CPCS database for American Association of Poison Control Centers codes relating to cannabis. We excluded calls from outside California.Exposures were defined as an “actual or suspected contact with any substance which has been ingested, inhaled, absorbed, applied to, or injected into the body, regardless of toxicity or clinical manifestation.”Case records were individually reviewed by one of four raters to verify that exposures were actually related to cannabis, to separate human from animal exposure calls, to validate the call involved an exposure rather than a request for information, to check whether exposures involved a single substance or multiple substances, and to detail the nature of the product involved in each exposure given that poison control centers until recently did not classify cannabis exposures beyond “marijuana” and route of exposure .

Records with unclear classifications were reviewed with three other authors . CPCS records were collected and managed using RED Cap, a secure, web-based software platform designed to collect and manage study data.CPCS coded 12,108 exposures from January 2010 to December 2020 as cannabis; 1,351 of these exposures did not meet inclusion criteria, as they were miscoded,trim trays involved animals, were calls from outside California, or were requests for information. Of the remaining 10,757 exposures, 20 percent involved someone under the age of six, 6 percent someone between the ages of six and twelve, 24 percent someone between the ages of thirteen and nineteen, and 50 percent an adult . Forty-four percent of exposures were female, and 56 percent were male. Additionally, 79 percent of the exposures involved ingestion, 18 percent involved inhalation, and 3 percent other routes including topical, rectal, parenteral, subcutaneous, or ophthalmic, as shown in Table 1. Although the total population of California grew by an estimated 6.1% from 2010 to 2020, with an increase of 22.5% in those under the age of 18 and a 6% increase in those under 5 years of age; calls to CPCS related to cannabis more than tripled over the same period. The number of cannabis exposure calls in proportion of all incoming calls is described in Table 2. Among children under the age of six years, 2,130 calls were assigned a code indicating the reason for exposure, of these, 2,107 were coded as unintentional exposures, zero as intentional, and the remaining 23 were coded as other . Among children aged six to 12 years, 625 calls were assigned a reason code, and of these 504 were coded as unintentional, 84 as intentional, and the remaining 38 as other. Our interrupted time series analysis first considered overall changes in exposures after legalization of use, initiation of retail sales, and after the COVID-19 shelter-in-place order. As noted in methods, ITSA coefficients represent estimated monthly increases or decreases in reported exposures after an intervention. Following recreational legalization in 2016, estimated monthly cannabis exposures increased significantly . Following the implementation of retail sales in 2018, cannabis exposures increased significantly as well . However, no significant change in cannabis exposures was observed following the shelter-in-place order. A graph of exposures over time is provided in Figure 1; detailed estimates are provided in Table 3. We continued by comparing changes in exposures for two age groups: those under thirteen years old and those thirteen years and older. Age is provided in CPCS records and this categorization follows AAPCC convention; exposures without information on age were excluded. Cannabis exposures in those under thirteen increased significantly both after recreational legalization and after the opening of the retail sales market , but not following the shelter-in-place order .

For those thirteen and older, there was no significant change over time. As a result, although exposures in children under thirteen were the minority in January 2010, by December 2020 they represented nearly half of all exposures, as shown in Figure 2. To assess possible changes in exposures by product type, we organized ingestion exposures by product type and grouped these into categories. We identified significant increases over in the number of exposures for gummies , candies , chocolate , dabs , edibles in the form of drinks , hemp, joints , blunts , cannabis oils , vapes , other edible products , and all other products between 2010 and 2020. However, there was no change in the trend of exposures for cookies, brownies, other edible baked goods, hash, plant products, or synthetic products. We aggregated these categories into nine broad product types: chocolate and candy, other edibles and drinks, gummies, brownies, cookies, and other baked goods, new technology , traditional products , oils, hemp products, and synthetics, then graphed exposures . Chocolate and candy, other edibles and drinks, and gummies increased from levels near zero prior to recreational legalization to thousands of exposures per year by 2020. For example, there were only 16 total reported gummies exposures in the six years between 2010 and 2015; these increased to 409 exposures in 2020 alone.We analyzed trends in cannabis exposures reported to the CPCS before and after the legalization of recreational cannabis in November 2016, the establishment of recreational retail sales in January 2018, and the institution of a statewide shelter-in-place order due to the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020 and found that as expected, exposures increased following recreational legalization and the establishment of retail sales, consistent with previous studies. However despite expectations we did not find a significant change in cannabis consumption following the COVID-19 shelter-inplace order. This finding may reflect that only nine months of exposure cases following March 2020 were available at the time of this study. We also found that cannabis exposures in children under thirteen increased significantly following recreational legalization and initiation of retail sales but did not increase for teens and adults. As a result, although cannabis exposures were uncommon among young children in 2010, by 2020 they constituted nearly half of all exposures.Cannabis edibles such as gummies, candy, and other dessert-like products have been involved with increased use in younger users. Our detailed records review found that a common exposure after 2018 involved a child or group of children finding cannabis edibles that they perceived to be normal candy and consuming an entire package.

Particularly among the youngest children the primary reason for exposure was accidental ingestion, in which children or their caregivers mistakenly identified cannabis gummies as ordinary candy. Cases in which cannabis gummies and other edibles are mistaken for non-cannabis products may result from issues with packaging. Although California regulates the potency of cannabis edibles and requires opaque, resealable packaging, each edible can contain up to 10 mg of THC and each package up to 100 mg of THC; as a result, even a single gummy represents a high dosage for a naïve user,trimming trays particularly a child. By comparison, edible regulations in Canada, for example, place a limit of 10 mg of THC per package, even if it the package contains multiple edibles, as well as requiring plain packaging and larger warning labels. As a result, a child who accidently consumed an entire bag of cannabis gummies in Canada would likely be exposed to the same level of THC as one who consumed a single gummy in California. We note that Canadian regulations on packaging were instituted in 2020, so there is limited data to assess potential changes in pediatric exposures after this policy change. However, given reported confusion among both children and caregivers about whether candy products contain cannabis, instituting similar regulations such as plain packaging and lower doses per edible, or expanding on them by requiring individual packaging, offer potential for reducing the high levels of exposures among children. Our study has limitations. The data were drawn from a single state, limiting potential generalizability; however, California’s status as the most populous with the largest cannabis market allows us to assess trends that would not be possible in smaller areas. Moreover, the more granular data provided by CPCS made it possible to classify product types; these data are not available at the national level. Using poison control data only captures data volunteered by patients and providers and these may not capture general patterns of use. In addition, although CPCS seeks to create a case report linked to individuals rather than to group exposures, in some cases, multiple exposures were reported in a single record . As a result, these findings are likely to be underestimates of actual exposures.

Our classification of product types was limited by reporters, who may use a range of terms to describe cannabis products ; as a result, we were unable to categorize all exposures and may have failed to identify additional products associated with exposures. Finally, given that the study was observational in nature, we could only identify associations between cannabis exposures and policy interventions rather than establishing causality. Despite these limitations, the absence of other contemporaneous factors expected to increase exposures, as well as the consistency of these findings with prior research, suggest that recreational legalization and sales were associated with significant increases in exposures, particularly among children.Cannabis is the most commonly used illicit psychoactive substance in developed nations . While a majority of cannabis users do not report problems, 10–30% of those who ever use cannabis meet criteria for a lifetime history of cannabis abuse or dependence as defined by the fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual . Recently, changes to the diagnostic criteria for substance use disorder have been made in DSM-5 , including several for the diagnosis of cannabis use disorders . Across the broad range of substance use disorders,the distinction between abuse and dependence has been replaced by a unidimensional symptom count, with endorsement of 2 or more symptoms resulting in a DSM-5 diagnosis of substance use disorder ; the DSM-IV criterion of legal problems has been eliminated from the diagnostic repertoire; and a new criterion for the DSM-5, craving has been added. More specifically for cannabis, withdrawal is now a criterion. A wealth of psychometric evaluations in epidemiological and clinical samples support these recommendations; however, the impact of these revisions on the prevalence of cannabis use disorders under the new DSM-5 classification remains largely unexplored. A recent study of Australian adults found a modest reduction in the rate of cannabis use disorder with the transition from DSM-IV to DSM-5 , while another study of individuals with substance use disorders note damodest increase of 4% . Twin studies indicate that 50–60% of the variation in cannabis use disorders can be attributed to heritable influences.Despite this robust heritability estimate, association studies for cannabis use disorders have largely failed to identify genetic variants of significant and replicable effect.

Agricultural measures tend to increase the crop yields and to enable a multipurpose exploitation of the crop

With a growing interest in sustainable issues and ecofriendliness,the textile industry is now faced with the challenges of developing eco-friendly textile products with enhanced sustainability.Efforts have been made in the field of wet processing of textile products.However,another equallyimportant aspect of producing more sustainable textile product is to select eco-friendly and low-cost raw materials,as well as to control the textile manufacturing processes in regard to energy and labour savings.An increasing recognition of hemp as more sustainable cellulose fibres has to be accompanied by an improvement in some comfort performances,aesthetics and,last but not least,by cost effectiveness.Apart from the environmental benefits of hemp in comparison to cotton,which is elaborated in the introduction section,the average prices of hemp fibre are 1.0e2.1 US$/kg while the cotton prices are between 2.1 and 4.2 US$/kg.However,the approximate prices for plain hemp textiles range from 5 to 13 US$/kg.In addition to these aspects,modern consumers expect high standard of performance even after a number of care cycles.Low cost and efficient production of synthetic fibres,together with their easy care and shape-retention properties can contribute to hemp based textiles to fulfil these requirements.In this context,acrylic fibres offer some benefits one of which is low specific gravity that allows yarns and fabrics to be made with a high bulk to weight ratio enabling improved softness.Other one is the simple and effective on-line coloration capability of acrylic fibre technology by which any further wet processing for finishing fabrics and garments does not need.This is not only extremely cost-effective,but very environmentally competitive route to market.In addition,avoiding any chemical treatment of hemp based fabrics with softeners to improve the tactile comfort performance is important from both economic and ecological aspects of sustainability.This elaboration,along with the results obtained and references given in the introduction section,clearly indicate that the use of hemp instead of cotton,mobile vertical rack and the use of acrylic to integrate with hemp yarn during knitting offer possibility of improving several sustainability aspects for cellulose based textiles.

However,some efforts are continuously made to achieve the reduction in cost and environmental impact in the range from the crop stage to the hemp product development stage.A new approach to a decrease in the environmental impact involves a reduction in eutrophication in the crop production.In fibre processing step,the research is aimed at improving fibre extraction processes so as to increase fibre quality and reduce labour requirements and price.Attempts have been made to improve hemp yarn production by developing new and more productive equipment and reducing energy costs.The avoidance of additional chemical treatments in this project is extremely important bearing in mind that a large amount of energy,water and chemicals are used for processing,finishing and dyeing of fibres,yarns and fabrics.The current trend towards improving sustainability of these processes goes in a direction of using eco-friendly substances and dyes.The recyclability and degradability of enzymes has stimulated research into their application to hemp fibre processing.Dyeing by natural dyes extracted from various plants,as well as agricultural wastes utilization for dyeing of textile fabrics,have been investigated in recent studies in order to meet the challenges of improving sustainability of production processes.In addition to production technology,new products development is also very important so as to meet market demand.We believe that hemp based textile product developed in our project presents a useful contribution to up to-date hemp textile product range,offering the textile engineers,designers and decision makers in textile companies the way to balance the cellulose based product performance,environmental concerns and costs at the current level of technological development.The utilisation of wood resources for energy production makes up the demand for the development of new technologies in the area of the chemical processing of agricultural residue.

The increasing demand for products derived by the chemical industry also increases the demand for furfural,which is exclusively produced from hemicelluloses-containing biomass.There is no synthetic route available for furfural production in the chemical industry.The production of furfural belongs to environmentally friendly technologies,although it has chemical properties similar to those of petrochemicals.It is used for the production of a wide range of important non-petroleum derived chemicals such as furan,tetrahydrofuran and furfuryl alcohol.It is also used as an extractive,a fungicide,in oil refineries,as well as in the plastics,food,pharmaceutical and agricultural industries.For example,it can be introduced during fibril formation to enhance the thermal and mechanical stability of collagen.At the moment,in the European Union,furfural is an imported products,although potential raw material resources are in a sufficient amount.During hydrothermal pre-treatment,the dehydration of xylose to furfural in water typically proceeds at 150–220 °C,and the reaction rate is small under neutral conditions,increases during autocatalysis by acetic acid,which originates from the biomass,and is accelerated further by the addition of catalysts,especially strong acids such as sulphuric acid or solid acid catalysts such as H-Beta zeolite.The costs and inefficiency of separating these catalysts from the products make their recovery impractical,resulting in large volumes of acid waste,which must be neutralised and disposed of.Other drawbacks include corrosion and safety problems.Al23 as a hydrolysis catalyst has been considered in some publications related to obtaining levulinic acid from biomass,but there are no scientific publications about the use of Al23 in furfural production from lignocellulosic biomass by hydrothermal pre-treatment.Furfural production from hemp shives has not been investigated until now as well,while the high content of hemicelluloses shows that the hemp fibre production byproduct has great potential.Also,this valuable raw material is concentrated in one place at the fibre production manufacturer’s site.The hemp species are an approved and rapidly expanding crop in Latvia,with a yield from 150 ha in 2009 to 1200 ha in 2013.Hemp shives are the woody inner part of the hemp stalk separated from the fibres,making up to 75 % of the oven dry stalk.

The chemical components of the hemp variety “Bialobrzeskie” shives used for experiments testify that the material also has the potential for the production of composites.Up until now,however,the main utilisation of hemp as a crop has been for its bast fibres.To utilise the leftover lignocellulose after obtaining furfural,binder-less panels could be made without the use of any additional adhesives during the panels’ production process.The panels made from the shives after the catalysed pre-treatment may have improved water resistance of the panel because hemicelluloses are the most water absorbing component and,after pre-treatment,their content is significantly diminished.Furthermore,steam explosion treatment transforms the lignin structure in the plant matrix and promotes the binder-less composite moulding in the following hot-pressing process.The objective of the study was to investigate the preliminary technological parameters of obtaining furfural and binder-less panels depending on the hydrothermal pre-treatment temperature,steam explosion treatment and pressing conditions.The pre-treatment process reference criteria for optimal parameters were chosen by the furfural yield and cellulose destruction degree in the leftover lignocellulose,which affects the obtained panel’s mechanical properties.The panel’s evaluation criteria were the panel quality and the maximal values of the tested properties – modulus of rupture and modulus of elasticity.The holocellulose content in the raw material was 75.5 wt% and,after the pre-treatment process,it decreased to 34.2 wt% at 160 °C and 27.7 wt% at 180 °C,calculated on the oven dry hemp shives’ mass.This means that,during the catalytic pre-treatment in the presence of Al23,not only is hemicelluloses converted to furfural,but also some part of cellulose has started to degrade.By increasing the hydrothermal pre-treatment process temperature up to 180 °C,the cellulose content significantly decreased from 31.4 wt% to 22.2 wt%,calculated on the oven dry raw material,vertical grow rack taking into account the yield of lignocellulose.The leftover lignocellulose after the hydrothermal pre-treatment contained ~ 50 wt% moisture content; therefore,it was dried to a 10–15 wt% moisture content at 25°C.

With increasing temperature of the pre-treatment process,the moisture content of residual lignocellulose was higher at the drying stage.This can be explained by the increasing of the surface of the raw material particles due to the degradation of cellulose at elevated temperatures in the presence of the Al23 catalyst.The obtained panels are very different from the outside.The Ref 1 and Ref 2 panels are light enough in colour like the raw shives and similar to conventional OSB panels.The panels from the shives after the catalysed hydrothermal pre-treatment process are slightly darker in colour,compared to the reference panels.The panels from the pre-treated and steam-exploded shives are very dark in colour,with an apparent degraded morphology of shives on the surface.Most of the panels from the pretreated and steam-exploded shives have gaps on the surface and on the inside parallel to the surface.These observations allow concluding that the lignocellulosic material after the steam explosion treatment is significantly degraded.However,the degradation level of lignocelluloses depends on both pre-treatment and treatment,and the treatments conditions should be optimised.Cutting edges are another property of the panel quality that was observed,although only qualitatively.The panels made of untreated shives at 160 °C have unstable edges,which drop off.However,the cut edges of the panels made at 200 °C are stable enough.The panels made of pre-treated shives have cut edges similar to those of the untreated ones,although look more stable.Generally,the cut edges of the obtained panels are poor in quality.This is probably due to the too high moisture content of the pressing material and due to the too high steam explosion temperature that results in the too high severity factor of the material and degradation of cellulose.However,we believe that this could be improved by optimising the panel moulding process that is the next goal of the research.Some studies state that it is possible to make a high quality binder-less panel from agricultural species.The density range of all panels obtained was from 800 kg/m3 to 1250 kg/m3.85 % of the differences in density are explained by the panel’s thickness,which varies from 6 to 8 mm as shown in Fig.4.On the other hand,such different thickness obtained means that the same pressure used at pressing for all samples shows that the samples are different as materials,and different pressures should be used for each of them to obtain the same density.

The MOR values of the panels vary from 2 to 12 N mm-2,depending on all included factors.However,the strength difference is not significant.The low MOR values could be explained by the high enough severity factor of the lignocelluloses and,possibly,the fact that the pressing temperature was too low to achieve the lignin flowing and then the glass transition necessary to form a rigid material.The MOE values of the panels vary from 141 to 3250 N mm-2,also depending on the same factors as in the MOR performance.The obtained maximal MOE value is high enough and demonstrates that the material can be used for panel production.However,the MOR values are too low and should be improved by optimising the panel moulding conditions.In spite of the low mechanical properties,an excellent correlation was obtained between the MOE and MOR values,which means that the strength of the composites could be predictable.Temperature and relative humidity are important parameters influencing perceived indoor air quality and human comfort.High moisture levels can damage construction and inhabitant’s health.High humidity harms materials,especially in case of condensation and it helps moulds development increasing allergic risks.Consequently,several researchers have studied the use of various hygroscopic materials to moderate indoor humidity levels.The material that absorbs and desorbs water vapor can be used to moderate the amplitude of indoor relative humidity and therefore to participate in the improvement of the indoor quality and energy saving.Vegetal fiber materials are an interesting solution as they are eco materials and have low embodied energy.Hemp concrete is one of these materials which is more and more recommended by the eco-builders for its low environmental impact.The physical properties of hemp concrete has been measured by many authors.It is highlighted that the one presents high moisture buffering capacity and a good compromise between insulation and inertia materials.To investigate the hygrothermal behavior of building envelope,a simulation should be done because it is cheaper and more detailed than the test in situ.For this to be done,many simulation tools have been developed.Hygrothermal properties are required for all Heat,Air and Moisture transfer models.Many models and simulation tools for predicting the hygrothermal behavior of building envelope are represented in the Annex 41 of the International Energy Agency’s.For the building envelope,the main difference in HAM-transfer modeling is made by the dimension of represented phenomena and they can be classed by the granularity and complexity†.

The relationship between marijuana smoking and asthma is somewhat complex

Water pipes have become more popular in North America in recent years due to the belief that it is a safer alternative to cigarettes .This is a common misconception in young adults,as a water pipe smoking session can contain over 100 times the amount of smoke in comparison to a single cigarette .In Ontario,the rate of trying water pipes in adolescents has more than doubled from 6% in 2006 to 14% in 2013.Water pipe smoking is linked to several adverse health outcomes such as cancer,cardiovascular disease and decreased lung function.While the causal effect of water pipe smoke and asthma has not been demonstrated,exposure to tobacco smoke was shown to exacerbate asthma symptoms.Since water pipes produce tobacco smoke,it can be assumed that it will be harmful especially for those with asthma.Marijuana has been used as a forbidden medicine to treat asthma symptoms for years as it may have bronchodilator properties,while long term marijuana smoking has also been associated with increased respiratory symptoms.Overall,the relationship between marijuana and lung health is somewhat mixed and the connection may not be the same as tobacco smoke.Previous research has suggested that adolescents with asthma smoked significantly more marijuana than those without asthma.However,the number of adolescents who smoked marijuana in Canada has decreased from 32.7% in 2008 to 24.4% in 2013.Electronic cigarettes are battery powered devices that vaporise nicotine and/or other flavouring mixes,cannabis grow lights but do not burn tobacco.These products have become popular in recent years and they are perceived as a safer alternative to tobacco cigarettes.

While preliminary studies suggest that they may be less harmful than cigarettes,the long term health effects and how e-cigarettes relate to asthma symptoms or severity are unknown.The Canadian Tobacco,Alcohol and Drug Survey reported that as many as one in five adolescents aged 15e19 tried e-cigarettes,however,the absolute trend of usage is still unknown as these products are relatively new.The purpose of this paper is to examine whether adolescents with asthma smoke cigarettes,water pipes,marijuana or e-cigarettes more or less than those without asthma.This study adds to the current literature by examining all smoking habits for youth with asthma,rather than focusing just on cigarettes.The 2013 Ontario Student Drug Use and Health Survey is a population based survey conducted every two years and completed by grade 7e12 students at publically funded schools in Ontario,Canada.Ontario is the largest province in Canada with a population of over 13 million residents.Ontario includes major urban centres such as Toronto and Ottawa,several smaller cities and an abundance of rural lands.The OSDUHS is designed to collect information about drug use and other health related behaviours among students in Ontario.All parents and students gave consent prior to participation.To examine the association between smoking and asthma,we limit our study sample to high school students in 109 schools.These schools were selected with probability proportional to size,to obtain a representative sample within the province.The survey included questions that captured information on self-reported doctor diagnosed asthma and data on tobacco,alcohol and drug use.The survey used a random split-ballot design where some of the questions change on each of the surveys.The sample is randomly divided into 2 groups to maximize questions included and minimize burden on students,but it reduces the sample size for some questions.In the OSDUHS,approximately half of the full sample answered questions pertaining to asthma and all types of smoking reducing the sub-sample to 2,840.

Data are representative of students in Grades 9 to 12 attending publicly funded schools in Ontario.Ages for respondents range from 12 to 19 years of age.In Ontario,the majority of children attended publically funded schools,5% attended private schools,and another 3% were either home schooled,institutionalized for correctional or health reasons,schooled on a First Nation reserve,military base or lived in remote northern region.This study was approved by the research ethics board at the Research Institute of The Hospital for Sick Children.The primary outcome variables in this study are smoking status with regard to cigarettes,water pipes,marijuana and e-cigarettes.Self-reported frequency and intensity of cigarette,water pipe,marijuana and e-cigarette smoking in the last 12 months and lifetime use were measured in the survey.Cigarette non-smokers were classified as those who never smoked a cigarette or smoked less than one cigarette in the last 12 months,while cigarette smokers were those who smoked more than one cigarette in the past 12 months.Similarly,smoking status for water pipe was also classified as a binary outcome variable.Respondents were asked how often they smoked a water pipe in the last 12 months.Those who smoked a few puffs,never smoked,haven’t smoked in the past 12 months or didn’t even know what it was were considered non-water pipe smokers.Those who smoked one or more times were defined as smokers.Marijuana smoking is also defined in a similar manner.Students were asked how often they smoked cannabis in the past 12 months.If they smoked 1 or more times in the past year they were classified as a marijuana smoker.Respondents who have never or not smoked in the last 12 months were considered to be non-marijuana smokers.Finally,respondents were classified as e-cigarette smokers if they smoked an e-cigarette with or without nicotine in it,while those who have never smoked or never heard of e-cigarettes were considered non-smokers.The primary risk factor of interest is the presence of asthma which is captured by the response to the question “has a doctor or nurse ever told you that you have asthma”.Other potential confounding variables include: grade,sex and socioeconomic status.

SES was measured by a 10-point social ladder.Students were asked to imagine that the ladder represents how Canadian society is set up,where the people at the top of the ladder are the “best off”,meaning they have the best jobs,make the most money and have the highest education.Those at the bottom of the ladder are the “worst off”,with no job,or a job no one wants,little education and the least money.Respondents reported what best represents their family on a 10-point scale,which was further grouped into three levels based on the interquartile ranges.The percent distributions of demographic characteristics and other co-variates were compared between smokers and nonsmokers of each type and the any smoking variable.The chi-square test was used to measure statistical significance between the respondents with and without asthma.Each type of smoking was modelled separately using a binary logistic regression.In addition to doctor diagnosed asthma,all co-variates outlined above were included in the regression models.All interactions of smoking types were examined but no significant relationships were found so this study focussed on the four individual models,plus the combined any smoking outcome.The following was used as the reference group in the logistic regression models: grade 9,female and high SES.Given the OSDUHS used a probability stratified cluster sampling design,all analyses were conducted with the sampling weights and utilized Taylor series methods within Stata 14 v14.1 to derive unbiased standard errors and point estimates.Results of the regression models were presented in adjusted odds ratios with 95% confidence intervals.Goodness of fit tests were completed with the F-adjusted mean test.While cigarette smoking may aggravate symptoms and severity for adolescents with asthma,some work on the topic suggests that the prevalence of cigarette,water pipe and marijuana smoking was actually higher in adolescents with asthma than those without.These studies,however,are not conclusive as at least one reported that adolescents with asthma were less likely to smoke cigarettes.It is reasonable to suppose that adolescents with asthma will not smoke as it will aggravate their asthma severity and symptoms,but this unfortunately may not be the case.

Our study showed that students in grades 9e12 with asthma in Ontario,had a higher odds of smoking e-cigarettes or any substance than their peers who do not have asthma.The odds of smoking ecigarettes for adolescents with asthma,was nearly twice as high as those without asthma after adjusting for age,sex and SES.Given the cross-sectional design of the survey,we cannot infer the causal relationship between smoking and asthma.Previous studies suggest that smoking for adolescents with asthma may relate to the desire to obtain social status among one’s peers,and not wanting asthma to interfere with their social status.Of all demographic characteristics studied,student’s grade was most significantly associated with smoking cigarettes,water pipes and marijuana.A longitudinal study in the United States found that rates of cigarette smoking increased from 1.8% at the age of 9 to 22.5% by age 16.Findings suggest that rates for smoking cigarettes and water pipes among grade 9 students were relatively low,but doubled in grade 10,tripled by grade 11 and quadrupled by grade 12.Cigarette and water pipe smoking became more popular in grade 10 and the trend continued as they aged.E-cigarette smoking on the other hand only marginally increased from grade 9 to 12.For adolescents with asthma,rates of e-cigarette smoking were similar to that of the entire sample,cannabis grow tent ranging from about 10% in grade 9 to 16.7% in grade 12.Our study also showed that cigarette,marijuana and any smoking rates were inversely related to SES,where lower SES was associated with higher odds of smoking.Our finding is consistent with the literature that suggests an inverse relationship between individual SES or parental education and cigarette smoking in adolescents.It has been suggested that lower SES households may have a poorer attitude towards health,fewer opportunities or more stressful situations which make them more likely to smoke.Results from our study emphasise the need for tailored interventions for youth from lower SES households.This study had many strengths which relate to the size and generalizability of the survey sample and the fact that it examined how all types of smoking related to asthma prevalence.That being said,there are also some limitations.The primary purpose of this survey is to examine health risk behaviours of adolescents in Ontario and not asthma.As such,the number of respondents with asthma was low and this may have contributed to some of the insignificant findings.

Despite the low number of asthma respondents,the self-reported asthma prevalence rate of adolescents in this study was similar to that reported by the Ontario Asthma Surveillance Information System,which uses a validated health administrative data case definition to capture asthma with 84% sensitivity and 76% specificity.Secondly,the cross-sectional design of the survey is a major study limitation in assessing causal relation of asthma and smoking.It is unknown from this study whether adolescents with asthma smoked e-cigarettes more often or if smoking e-cigarettes contributed to the risk of asthma.Thirdly,asthma was self-reported and it not clinically confirmed.Self-reported asthma may over or under represent actual prevalence of asthma.Furthermore,many studies that examined the relationship between asthma and smoking did not separate severe or “uncontrolled” asthma from those with well-controlled mild to moderate asthma.The effect of smoking on adolescents with severe or uncontrollable asthma may be different than on those with mild to moderate asthma.The definition of smoking used may influence the study findings.We classified smoking for cigarettes,marijuana and water pipes as smoking one or more time over the past 12 months or ever for e-cigarettes.This definition includes those who smoke regularly but also adolescents who experiment with the various types of smoking.This classification of smoking has been used previously in studies using the OSDUHS dataset.We conducted additional analyses using another method of classifying smokers reported by Wong and colleagues.In this method a regular smoker is defined as smoking more than 100 cigarettes in their lifetime and any cigarettes in the past month.Using this method the results and point estimates remained very similar.Given this method of classification was only available for cigarettes,we opted to retain the ‘any cigarettes over the past 12 months’ method to ensure measurement correspondence with the other types of smoking.Nevertheless,results suggest that adolescents with asthma are at least experimenting with e-cigarettes or any type of smoking more often than their peers without asthma,which may lead to higher smoking rates later in life.Finally,we were unable to adjust for parental smoking or parental history of asthma as these data were not collected by the survey.Having a parent who smokes may relate to the respiratory health of children,but it also increases the odds of smoking for adolescents.While information on parental smoking is not available in our data,further research should examine the association between parental smoking and asthma for all types of smoking.This paper adds discussion to the question of whether adolescents with asthma would be less likely to smoke cigarettes,water pipes,marijuana or e-cigarettes.

The most common route of marijuana administration is inhalation via smoking

Marijuana has also been reported as a risk factor for stroke. Over 80 cases have been reported in which patients had strokes, with a higher prevalence of ischemic strokes, that were associated with either a recent increase, in the days leading up to the event, or chronic history of heavy marijuana use. They believed that the marked swings in blood pressure or the reversible cerebral vasoconstriction that resulted from marijuana use were likely mechanisms of stroke but admitted that no firm conclusions could be drawn without further studies.In addition, Lawson reported a similar belief that drug induced vasospasm was a plausible explanation for TIAs, but also with the caveat that due to the confounding medications/illicit substances being used in his patient, no direct association could be determined. Also of interest is marijuana use’s effect on other cardiovascular vessels. When cohort studies were performed comparing marijuana users with resultant limb arteritis to patients suffering from thromboangiitis obliterans, marijuana associated arteritis occurred in younger, usually male patients with a unilateral, lower limb as the common presentation.Due to the unfiltered nature of the marijuana cigarette compared to commercially available tobacco cigarettes,grow table the amount of carcinogens and irritants, like tar, that enter the upper airway is increased with approximately a three-fold increase in tar inhalation and one third more tar deposition in the respiratory tract.

More specifically, the tar produced from cannabis smoke contains greater concentration of benzanthracenes and benzopyrenes than tobacco smoke. In addition, as compared to smoking tobacco, there is a two-thirds greater puff volume, one-third greater depth of inhalation and a four-fold longer breath-holding time, all of which are common practices to try to maximize THC absorption, which is around 50% of cigarette content. These practices result in five times the amount of carboxyhemoglobin levels as compared to the typical tobacco smoker despite the presence of similar quantities of carbon monoxide from the incomplete combustion of the organic compounds found within each product. In reporting his case, Schwartz theorized that high temperatures in which marijuana burns compared to tobacco may increase the irritancy of marijuana to the mucous membranes. While the higher temperature is a possibility, the evidence of marijuana’s irritancy is well documented. In a cohort study comprised of 40 healthy patients, Roth et al. showed that cannabis smokers had significantly increased visual bronchitis index scores resulting from large airway epithelial damage, edema, and erythema. On mucosal biopsy, goblet cell hyperplasia with subsequent increase in secretions, loss of ciliated epithelium and squamous metaplasia were also present in 97% of smokers. They concluded that marijuana use is associated with airway inflammation that is similar to that of a tobacco smoker. A cross-sectional study on over 6000 patients, from 1988 to 1994, found an increased incidence of chronic bronchitis symptoms such as wheezing and productive cough occurring in patients 10 years younger, on average, than tobacco smokers. Case-control trials performed found similar findings with regards to increases in wheezing, shortness of breath, cough and phlegm as well as the similarities with tobacco use. Bryson also concluded based on his review of the literature, that the pulmonary complications in the chronic marijuana smoker are equivalent to those seen in the chronic tobacco smoker, while Wu et al. estimated that 3e4 cannabis cigarettes daily equates to about 20 tobacco cigarettes in terms of bronchial tissue damage.

Cannabis use has also been linked to a higher risk in cancers, possibly due to the increased carcinogens entering the airway. Similar to tobacco use, marijuana use plays a significant role in the development of lung cancer. In a case control study performed in New Zealand, young adults had an 8% increase in lung cancer risk for each joint year of cannabis smoking after adjusting for the cofounders, such as age, sex, ethnicity and family history. Berthiller et al. pooled data from a multitude of institutions across multiple countries, comprising of over 1200 patients, and reported an increased risk of lung cancer for every marijuana use. In addition, a 40 year cohort study with about 48,000 patients reported an increased risk of lung cancer in young men who had smoked marijuana more than 50 times. This study was limited however by the nature of patient self-reporting. Head and neck cancers have also been theorized to be at a higher risk similar to that of tobacco smoking. However, a pooled analysis performed by Berthiller et al. found that infrequent marijuana smoking did not confer a greater risk after adjusting for cofounders. The authors did note that due to the low prevalence of frequent smoking within the study population, that a moderately increased risk could not be ruled out. In another population based casecontrol study, there was an increased incidence of head and neck cancers in patients with a 30 joint-year history, yet the association did not exist when accounting for tobacco smoking suggesting the risk is greater with tobacco than marijuana.Marijuana’s prevalence is evident amongst all patient populations. In a cross sectional study conducted by Mills et al., the rate of marijuana use via patient self-reporting was found to be 14% amongst surgical patients in 2003. This led the authors to conclude that questions about illicit drug use should be a routine part of the preanesthetic assessment, especially in patients that the anesthesiologist finds hard to settle, due to anxiety or other psychologic manifestations, because of the potential anesthetic complications that may occur.

In a series of case reports, Guarisco presented three patients who suffered from significant respiratory distress due to isolated uvulitis, a disease of low incidence typically associated with infection or traumatic irritation from instruments used in the airway. Investigating further, all three patients were found to have inhaled large quantities of cannabis within six to twelve hours of the onset of symptoms leading to the conclusion of a possible correlation with inhaled irritants such as cannabis. Due to known cases of isolated uvulitis and the possible link with marijuana, the authors suggest that toxicology urine and blood studies for THC should be performed in cases where marijuana use is suspected but not confirmed by history taking. Multiple other cases have also been reported with similar findings. In a case series by Sloan, three adolescents suffered acute uvular inflammation post the heavy use of marijuana, having smoking at least three marijuana cigarettes, despite negative throat cultures. In 1971, a cohort study was performed in which a large quantity of marijuana, over 100 grams, was smoked over several months. Of the 31 subjects, almost half suffered from recurrent rhinopharyngitis as well as developed acute uvular edema after the heavy marijuana inhalation which lasted approximately 12e24 hours. These findings stress the importance in the maintenance of the airway during anesthesia following acute marijuana use due to the potential airway obstruction that may occur. In fact, in presenting a case of uvular edema and airway obstruction with cannabis inhalation 4 hours prior to surgery, Pertwee recommended that elective operations should be avoided altogether if a patient was recently exposed to cannabis smoke. This recommendation seems reasonable when taking into consideration the life-threatening bronchospasm leading to asphyxia, brain damage or death resulting from tracheal intubation in patients with obstructive airways. One proposed course of action has been the therapeutic use of steroids. In Guarisco’s study, he theorized that steroids should help inhaled irritant uvulitis. As steroids increase endotracheal permeability, decrease mucosal edema and stabilize lysosomalmembranes, thus decreasing the inflammatory response, the theory has scientific basis. In a prospective, randomized,4×8 grow table with wheels double-blind study, Silvanus et al. found that the addition of methylprednisolone to salbutamol in patients with a partially reversible airway obstruction helped in the diminution of the reflex bronchoconstriction that can result from tracheal intubation.

This led to Hawkins et al.’s recommendation that at the first signs of airway obstruction, dexamethasone should be used as the drug of choice, 1 mg/kg every 6e12 hours over the course of one to two days. This recommendation gained credence in the dramatic relief that dexamethasone provided in the post-traumatic cases. However, Mallat et al. concluded that although marijuana-induced uvular edema is a serious postoperative complication that has a potential for simple treatment, in the case of an elective surgical procedure with an acute history of cannabis exposure, surgery should be can celled as prophylactic treatment may not be effiffifficient. The complications of the airway are not limited to intubation however. The inhalation of toxic chemicals as well as smoke can cause laryngospasm by chemoreceptor stimulation. In addition, the inhalation of hot gasses can trigger laryngospasm via thermoreceptor stimulation, especially in the case of lowered sensory afferent neuron threshold potentials such as in light anesthesia. In line with this, White presented a case in which a known cannabis smoker suffered severe laryngospasm following extubation. As found within the reviews, multiple observations have been made showing cross tolerance between marijuana and barbiturates, opioids, prostaglandins, chlorpromazine and alcohol. In addition, animal studies have shown additive effects amongst them all except for alcohol. These drug interactions have led to further exploration of its reactions to other medication groups. As a result of fat sequestration and subsequent slow elimination from the tissues, cannabinoids may be present to interact with multiple anesthetic agents. In Symons’s case report, the patient required multiple boluses of propofol and two additional doses of midazolam to achieve appropriate sedation. In a prospective, randomized, single-blind study of 60 patients, chronic marijuana users required significantly increased doses of propofol to facilitate successful insertion of the laryngeal mask and thus suggesting that the increased doses, in chronic marijuana users, may be a requirement for appropriate loss of consciousness as well as jaw relaxation and airway reflex depression. The authors theorized that the variations in the level of delta9-THC can explain variations in propofol responses.

In a review written in the American Association of Nurse Anesthetists Journal, Dickerson reported the synergistic effects of cannabis to include: potentiation of nondepolarizing muscle relaxants, potentiation of norepinephrine, the augmentation of any drug causing respiratory or cardiac depression, as well as a more profound response to inhaled anesthetics sensitization of the myocardium to catecholamines due to the increased level of epinephrine. On the subject of muscle relaxants, THC depletes acetylcholine stores and exerts an anticholinergic effect and thus creates a potentiation of the nondepolarizing muscle relaxants. Areview by Hall et al. explored THC’s interaction with drugs affecting heart rate and arterial pressure and found that due to cannabis’s own cardiovascular effects , it may interact with medications such as beta-blockers, anticholinergics and cholinesterase inhibitors. Due to these potential autonomic reactions, as well as theoretical psychiatric complications, such as withdrawal effects and their interference with anesthetic induction or postoperative recovery, there has been a stress made to inquiring about drug history or avoiding elective operations altogether. Dickerson, in his review, recommended that, due to all potential effects and interactions, not only should an extensive history of drug use be elicited at the time of the preoperative assessment, including the frequency of use and time of last use, but that anesthesia should be avoided in any patient with cannabis use within the past 72 hours.This gained further credibility in a randomized, double-blind trial, in which an apparent drug interaction was observed in the patient population who underwent general anesthesia within 72 hours of marijuana use leading to a sustained postoperative tachycardia, a finding potentially due to an interaction between cannabinol metabolites and atropine administration during anesthesia.One of the most researched and known risk factor for perior postoperative complications, increased hospitals costs and resource usage is smoking, specifically tobacco smoke. In fact, the rates of perioperative respiratory events, such as reintubation, hypoventilation, hypoxemia, laryngospasm, bronchospasm, and aspiration, have a total incidence of 5.5% in smokers compared to 3.1% in nonsmokers, making these events 70% more prevalent with smoking. In addition, in a randomized controlled trial out of Denmark, orthopedic surgery patients who smoked were compared to those who underwent cessation counseling and nicotine replacement therapy. In the study, they found an overall complication rate of 18% compared to the 52% found in the smoking group, including a cardiac event rate of 0% compared to 10%.