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The reservations centered around a feeling in the Council that the restaurant restrictions would harm businesses

It was no surprise that a legislator representing the Hampton Roads area , like Sen. Northam, would support smoking restriction legislation. Most of the localities in that area were considering asking the General Assembly to pass legislation giving their locality the power to enact some sort of local restaurant smoking restriction and Norfolk had been seriously considering enacting local restaurant restrictions under the assumption that preemption did not apply to their municipality until backing off the proposal in 2008 .Lawmakers representing the Hampton Roads area, including Sen. Northam; Sen. Quayle and Sen. Mamie Locke also pushed for statewide laws that either repealed preemption statewide or allowed their locality greater authority to regulate smoking.On January 25, 2008, House Speaker William Howell referred all of the smoking related bills to General Laws Committee, notoriously hostile to tobacco-control legislation.Howell had close financial ties with the tobacco industry, having accepted $10,000 in campaign contributions since becoming Speaker in 2003.This is significantly more than the median tobacco industry campaign contribution to House Republicans from 1999-2007 . Del. Terrie Suit , who had previously supported Gov. Kaine’s restaurant smoking restriction proposal in the 2007 session, chaired the General Laws Committee. According to House rules, Del. Suit in her role as chair of the committee could have asked to have a bill brought before the full committee by using House Rule 18. Despite the fact that Del. Suit represented an area with a high support 250 for restaurant smoking restrictions, she refused to allow the bills to come before the full committee and instead funneled them into the hostile Alcoholic Beverage Control/Gaming Subcommittee ,indoor grow rack where they were all killed after no further action was taken.An editorial in the Virginian-Pilot questioned why her position had changed and raised several points as potential answers.

Del. Suit maintained that her support waned when many local restaurants in her district voluntarily went smoke free. The editors pointed out that many other areas, including whole communities in her district like Saxis, Big Stone Gap, and others, had very few smoke free choices. Despite the fact that Del. Suit did not accept, and on one occasion returned, tobacco industry contributions, she did owe her chair personship of the General Laws Committee to Speaker Howell. Public health advocates felt the same way. As Cathleen Grzesiek, co-chair of VFHF, described, once Suit “became chair of [the] General Laws [Committee] … all of a sudden she no longer supported clean indoor air laws.”Tobacco control advocates from the Virginia Beach area turned up the political heat on Del. Suit after realizing that she had the power to determine whether these bills were to die in committee. The primary group that pressured Suit was the Virginia Beach Restaurant Association , which urged its members — who were constituents of Del. Suit in the South Hampton Roads area — to tell her to reverse her decision.In addition, the VBRA took out a full-page ad in the Virginian-Pilot urging readers to pressure Del. Suit to move the bill out of subcommittee for the consideration of the full General Laws Committee.Noting that it seemed unfair that just seven legislators could keep a bill from the other 93 members of the House and that there seemed to be broad legislative support for such a bill, a past president of the VBRA stated that “we [the VBRA] feel all representatives should have a chance to vote on it.”Meanwhile, other hospitality industry groups, including the Virginia Hospitality and Travel Association, remained opposed to the bill.VFHF also employed phone banking to target Suit, as well as Speaker William Howell, Dels. Thomas Gear and David Albo who were members of the ABC/Gaming subcommittee. The primary activity against Suit, however, came from the VBRA.Advocates were outraged that the bills ended up in the ABC/Gaming subcommittee. Hilton Oliver, the executive director of Virginia GASP, said “[t]he issue of smoking in restaurants has nothing to do with ABC and gaming, but it has a lot to do with health.

They are playing games [there in the House], no question about it.”Virginia politics and the influence of Speaker Howell had placed the anti-smoking bills into hostile committees, like many other times before. VFHF held that at a minimum, the bills deserved a fair hearing by the full committee.The debate mirrored the same arguments that had been made in Virginia ever since the issue of smoking restrictions first emerged in the 1970s. Many on the General Laws Committee continued to point toward free market principles to justify opposing the legislation. For example, Del. Gear argued, “[i]t’s wrong for government to intervene and tell restaurants they have to do something.”Del. Suit argued that the General Assembly did not need to act on the proposal and that voluntary smoking restrictions were already happening.She stated “[t]wo years ago … I couldn’t find a restaurant that was smoke free. But because of this debate, the whole issue over the last few years has been elevated to the level that so many restaurants have gone smoke free, I no longer believe it’s necessary for the government to step in and do it.”As before, representatives from the Virginia Retail Merchants Association, Virginia Hospitality and Travel Association, and Cigar Association of Virginia spoke of the bill in terms of “choice and property owners’ rights.”Nathan Jones, a Richmond resident and owner of 13 restaurant franchises, claimed that a restaurant law in Indiana caused a 10- 15% drop in alcohol sales, which Mr. Jones claimed could “kill a small business” in a year.These often-repeated claims about the harm to small business interests from tobacco restrictions – the centerpiece of the tobacco industry’s efforts to generate local opposition to such laws since the 1980s – are false.In particular, a 2003 analysis of all the research on the economic impact of smoking restrictions on the hospitality industry, including bars and restaurants, showed no negative impact on revenue.Despite the pressure from several sides, Del. Suit did not change her position, and the legislative session ended in March with no tobacco restriction bills surviving.All the tobacco control bills before the ABC/General Laws Subcommittee were defeated unanimously by voice vote rather than a recorded vote.The reason, according to Gov. Kaine after the vote occurred, was that “[t]hese guys don’t want to be on the record on a matter like that.”Norfolk enacted their original smoking ordinance in 1988, which provided for nonsmoking sections in restaurants and many other public places, and prohibited smoking completely in many retail stores.

This made it stronger than the subsequent state law passed in 1990. In May 2006, Theresa Whibley, a physician,vertical growing racks was elected to the Norfolk City Council. After being elected, Whibley began to push for an ordinance that would that would completely prohibit smoking in restaurants after reading the 2006 Surgeon General’s Report “The Health Consequences of Involuntary Exposure to Tobacco Smoke,” which among other findings reported that eliminating indoor smoking fully protects nonsmokers from harmful effects, while ventilation and separation of smokers from nonsmokers within an enclosed space did not.What Whibley read in the Surgeon General’s Report dovetailed with her personal convictions and experience as a physician that second hand smoke was harmful.No other Hampton Roads area city had smoking restrictions at the time and Whibley felt that the city “need[ed] to take the lead” on the restaurant smoking issue.When she joined the Norfolk City Council, she began inquiring whether the Council could prohibit smoking in restaurants.Whibley sought help from City Attorney Bernard Pishko, who informed her that Norfolk’s charter allowed the city to implement a restaurant smoking restriction without requiring permission of the General Assembly. Pishko argued that neither Dillon’s Rule nor the preemptive language of the VICAA impinged upon Norfolk’s inherent police powers granted by its charter. Therefore, any ordinance that correctly invoked Norfolk’s police powers would be valid. While the VICAA explicitly preempted stronger local regulation of restaurants or bars, Whibley and Pishko had compiled a great deal of evidence that demonstrated that no level of secondhand smoke exposure was safe, and that because of this no law that required no-smoking sections could adequately protect the health and welfare of patrons or workers.Based on this fact, the Norfolk city attorney’s office drafted language for the proposed ordinance that simply required any nonsmoking area to be “effective.” Because the only effective protection for workers and patrons would be a 100% smoke free interior space, Whibley and Pishko were confident that their “effectiveness” language was a valid exercise of the city’s police powers.

Both Pishko and Whibley expected the ordinance to be challenged in court if enacted but felt that they could argue successfully that this approach was consistent with both Dillon’s Rule and the requirements of the VICAA. Whibley and Pishko were the primary motivators for the proposed ordinance, but, after learning about their proposal, the Virginia chapters of the national voluntary health organizations offered material support and publicity, primarily to identify and promote restaurants that were smoke free.After discussing the idea with the City Council in December 2006, the Council voted to endorse the idea but to hold off on enacting any ordinance until it became the results of the debate about statewide legislation affecting restaurants would be.City Manager Regina Williams scheduled hearings in January, 2007 for restaurant owners to address their concerns, as a majority of restaurateurs had come out as opposed to the ordinance, primarily based on concerns that the ordinance would harm their business. These concerns were echoed by some on the Council, such as Vice Mayor Paul Riddick, who was concerned that it would affect the livelihoods of small business owners.The Norfolk Restaurant Association opposed the proposed ordinance, but in a 2009 interview Whibley characterized their complaints as not very vociferous.On July 10, the state Attorney General’s office released an opinion by Virginia Attorney General Bob McDonnell that stated that such restrictions would violate the VICAA’s preemption language, which was issued in response to a request from Del. Bill Janis . In response, Norfolk’s City Attorney, Bernard Pishko, told the press his opinion was that the police powers inherent in Norfolk’s charter were sufficient to allow the restrictions to be implemented without asking the General Assembly for permission.In August 2007 the City Council decided to go forward with their plans to restrict smoking in restaurants within the city despite McDonnell’s opinion, based on Pishko’s advice to the council that it made no difference as to their ability to enact stronger local restaurant restrictions.In October 2007, the Council voted 7-1 to implement an ordinance that completely prohibited smoking in restaurants and bars . As passed, the 2007 ordinance was significantly stronger than state law, completely prohibiting smoking in restaurants and bars, with an exception only for establishments conducting a private function in the entire space. It maintained many of the other provisions of the 1988 ordinance. By completely prohibiting smoking in restaurants or bars, Norfolk’s ordinance not only would have protected the health of workers and patrons, but it was also significantly stronger than the 2009 statewide legislation, which allowed for both smoking rooms and ventilation. However, the ordinance would not have gone into effect until July 2008, and before that date arrived the Council shifted its position in early 2008 on the restaurant smoking restriction issue. Five council members rethought their support, citing the failure of statewide or regional smoking restrictions in the General Assembly.Barclay Winn, a council member whose interactions with Virginia Beach led to the Hampton Roads regional approach, said that he wanted a “minor revision for sports bars … I just want to be sure we get a level playing field.”Another council member, Vice Mayor Anthony Burfoot, wanted to include a provision that allowed restaurants the ability to appeal the restriction if they can show resulting economic damage.Council member W. Randy Wright felt that the Council “can’t put our establishments at a competitive disadvantage.”As the five council members backpedaled, Whibley expressed frustration and hoped that the law would be implemented unchanged.Ultimately, despite Whibley’s efforts, the Council moved steadily towards a vote rescinding their earlier ordinance. At the end of March 2008, the Council voted to rescind the restriction, partially because it seemed that a statewide restaurant smoking restriction would soon pass .

Cognition is a key area of research in the field of alcohol use disorders

We examined factors associated with utilization as conceptualized by the Andersen model of healthcare utilization , which proposes that utilization is determined by predisposing need and enabling factors . We hypothesized that psychiatric comorbidity would be associated with greater use of health services, and that members with higher deductibles would be less likely to initiate SUD and psychiatry treatment but would have higher emergency department and inpatient utilization than those without deductibles. As with earlier studies , which indicate that SUD diagnosis is often precipitated by a critical event such as an ED visit, we expected that post diagnosis utilization would be highest in the period immediately following diagnosis but would likely decrease over time, although trajectories would vary by type of utilization. Knowing how these factors are associated with use of healthcare can be highly informative to future healthcare reform and behavioral health services research. Kaiser Permanente Northern California is an integrated healthcare system serving approximately 4 million members . The membership is racially and socioeconomically diverse and representative of the demographic of the geographic area . SUD treatment is provided in specialty clinics within KPNC, which patients can access directly without a referral. The group based treatment model is similar to outpatient treatment programs nationwide. Treatment sessions take place daily or four times a week, depending on severity, for nine weeks . Treatment in psychiatry includes assessment,vertical growing towers individual and group psychotherapy, and medication management . KPNC is not contracted to provide SUD care or intensive psychiatry treatment for Medicaid patients and those patients are referred to county providers. The University of California, San Francisco and Kaiser Permanente Northern California Institutional Review Boards approved the study and approved a waiver of informed consent.

We identified common chronic medical conditions , many of which are known to be associated with SUDs using ICD-9/10 codes recorded within the first year after initial enrollment. Conditions included asthma, atherosclerosis, atrial fibrillation, chronic kidney disease, chronic liver disease, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, coronary disease, diabetes mellitus, dementia, epilepsy, gastroesophageal reflux, heart failure, hyperlipidemia, hypertension, migraine, osteoarthritis, osteoporosis and osteopenia, Parkinson’s disease or syndrome, peptic ulcer, and rheumatoid arthritis. Patients with chronic medical conditions utilize more health services than patients without such conditions , which may influence their decision to choose a plan with a lower deductible if given an option , so we included this covariate to control for confounding. Deductibles are features across different benefit plans, including commercial plans, but are more common in ACA benefit plans. The individual deductible limit is the amount the individual must pay outof-pocket for health expenses before eligibility for health plan benefits. At KPNC, there are many types of benefit plans that include deductibles. Patients with deductible plans that do not include SUD as a covered benefit are responsible for bearing the cost of those services until their deductible is reached, and/or the accumulating cost of copays for multiple visits as part of the SUD care model. We did not include type of insurance as a covariate due to its collinearity with deductible limits and enrollment via the ACA exchange . We summarized utilization data into 6-month intervals, and we examined trends in health service utilization over 36 months after patients received an SUD diagnosis with Chi-squared tests using 6-month intervals. Using multi-variable logistic regression, we examined associations between deductible limits, enrollment via the California ACA Exchange, membership duration, and psychiatric comorbidity; and the likelihood of utilizing health services in the 36-month follow-up period, controlling for patient demographic characteristics and chronic medical comorbidity.

We also evaluated whether enrollment via the California ACA exchange moderated the associations between deductible limits and the likelihood of utilization by adding interaction terms to the multi-variable models. We estimated the associations with deductible limits for each enrollment mechanism by constructing hypothesis tests and confidence intervals on linear combinations of the regression coefficients from these models. To account for correlation between repeated measures, we used the generalized estimating equations methodology . We censored patients at a given 6-month interval if they were not a member of KPNC during that time. We conducted a sensitivity analysis to determine whether high utilizers leaving the health system influenced the observed pattern of decreased utilization from the 0–6 month to the 6–12 month follow-up periods. Using Chi-squared tests, we compared utilization during the 0–6 month period between patients who remained in the cohort and patients who disenrolled from KPNC at 6–12 months. We hypothesized that if the censored group had greater utilization than the noncensored group, then there would be evidence of high utilizers leaving the health system. We also conducted Chi-squared tests to determine whether censorship was associated with deductible limits and enrollment mechanisms. We conducted all analyses using SAS v9.4. We assessed significance at a p-value < .05. This study examined longitudinal patterns of healthcare utilization among SUD patients and their relationships to key aspects of ACA benefit plans, including enrollment mechanisms and deductible levels. We anticipated that the increase in coverage opportunities that the ACA provided would bring high-utilizing patients into health systems, driving up overall use of healthcare. Consistent with prior studies of SUD treatment samples that have found elevated levels of healthcare utilization either immediately before or after starting SUD treatment , results of our longitudinal analysis showed that utilization among people with SUDs was highest immediately after initial SUD diagnosis at KPNC, and declined to a stable level in subsequent years.

This suggests that the initial high utilization may be temporary. Our sensitivity analysis suggested that this result was not due to high utilizers leaving the KPNC healthcare system. This overall trend in utilization is a welcome finding, and consistent with the intent of the ACA to increase access to care; however, the subsequent decrease in utilization could also signify that patients are disengaging from treatment. Although we cannot specifically attribute the initial levels of utilization to lack of prior insurance coverage, as we did not have data on prior coverage, we found that individuals with fewer than 6 months of membership before receiving an SUD diagnosis were more likely to utilize primary care and specialty SUD treatment than those who had 6–12 months of membership. This suggests that future healthcare reforms that expand insurance coverage for people with SUDs might also lead to short-term increases in utilization for a range of health services. Deductibles are a key area of health policy interest given the growing number of people enrolling in deductible plans post-ACA. As anticipated, higher deductibles had a generally negative association with utilizing healthcare in this population. We found that patients with high deductibles had lower odds of using primary care, psychiatry, inpatient, and ED services than those without deductibles. Additionally, we found the associations between high deductibles and likelihood of utilizing primary care and psychiatry were strongly negative among ACA Exchange enrollees. Although it is somewhat difficult to gauge the clinical significance of these specific results,vertical growing racks the strength of the odds ratios for primary care and psychiatry access gives some indication of the potential impact. The associations of high deductibles with primary care and psychiatry access is worrying given the extent of medical and psychiatric comorbidities among people with SUDs . Although we found more consistent associations for higher deductibles and less healthcare initiation, it is possible that even a modest deductible could deter patients from seeking treatment . From a public policy and health system perspective, the possibility that deductibles could prevent people with SUDs from accessing any needed medical care is a cause for concern. Consistent with prior findings , our results suggest that high deductibles have the potential to dissuade SUD patients from accessing needed health services, and that those who enroll via the ACA exchange may be more sensitive to them. This could be attributable to greater awareness of coverage terms due to the mandate that exchange websites offer clear, plain-language explanations to compare insurance options . In contrast, high deductibles were associated with a greater relative likelihood of SUD treatment utilization. However, this association existed only among patients who enrolled via mechanisms other than the ACA Exchange. It is possible that individuals with emerging or unrecognized substance use problems may have selected higher deductible plans at enrollment due to either not anticipating use of SUD treatment, which is often more price-sensitive relative to other medical care , or not being aware of the implications of deductibles. However, once engaged in treatment, individuals with high deductibles may have been motivated to remain there. A contributing factor could also be that such patients were required to remain in treatment either by employer or court mandates, which are common and are associated with retention . The varying associations between deductibles and different types of health service utilization by enrollment mechanisms highlight the need for future research in this area. Insurance exchanges provide access to tax credits, a broader range of coverage levels, and information to assist in healthcare planning that might be less easily accessible through other sources of coverage, e.g., through employers . In our sample, Exchange enrollment was associated with greater likelihood of remaining a member of KPNC, did not demonstrate an adverse association with routine care, and was associated with lower ED use.

However, primary care and psychiatric services use were similar across enrollment types, even within low and high deductible limits. Prior studies have found that health plans offered through the ACA Exchange are more likely to have narrow behavioral health networks compared to other non-Exchange plans and primary care networks , which raises concerns about treatment access. For this health system, that concern appears unfounded. Psychiatric comorbidity was associated with greater service use of all types. Several prior studies have also found that patients with psychiatric comorbidity use more health services than those with SUD alone . Similar to our results, a recent study based in California found that after controlling for patient-level characteristics, the strongest predictors of frequent ED use post-ACA included having a diagnosis of a psychiatric disorder or an SUD . While the ACA was not expected to alter this general pattern, the inclusion of mental health treatment as an essential benefit was intended to improve availability of care and to contribute to efforts to reduce unnecessary service utilization. Our investigation confirms the ongoing importance post-ACA of psychiatric comorbidity and suggests that future efforts in behavioral health reform must anticipate high demand for healthcare in this vulnerable clinical population. It is also worth noting that nonwhite patients were less likely to initiate SUD and psychiatry treatment. Race/ethnic disparities in access to care are a longstanding concern in the addiction field . Some expected these disparities to be mitigated postACA . Findings on race/ethnic differences are similar to what has been observed in other health systems ; although, few studies have examined associations post-ACA. One prior study among young adults with SUD and psychiatric conditions post-ACA found modest ethnic disparities in lack of coverage between whites and other ethnic groups ; although, another study of young people more broadly found larger gains in coverage among Hispanics and Blacks relative to whites . The race/ethnic disparities in SUD and psychiatry treatment initiation in this cohort, in which overall insurance coverage was not a barrier but specific mechanisms could be, highlight the importance of addressing this complicated challenge to health equity. Alcohol use disorders are a major public health problem and constitute the most prevalent forms of addiction in veterans.Cognitive impairment is well-documented in individuals with alcohol use disorders,and alcohol-related clinical outcomes are moderated by a range of cognitive impairments.Cognition plays an important role in clinical outcomes, yet recognizing and screening for cognitive impairment in addiction populations remains uncertain and difficult.A comprehensive neurocognitive evaluation may not be routinely feasible in addiction settings, as these evaluations are often time intensive and resource consuming.When managing veterans with alcohol use disorders, quicker adjunctive tools that clinicians could use to screen for those individuals at higher risk of cognitive impairment are needed. One potential tool that may fulfill this role is the alcohol use biomarker. Alcohol use biomarkers are broadly divided into indirect and direct biomarkers.The indirect biomarkers include aspartate aminotransferase , alanine aminotransferase , mean corpuscular volume , γ-glutamyltransferase , and carbohydrate-deficient transferrin .